Skip to main content

London: The Commercial Powerhouse

  • Chapter
  • First Online:
Credit and Trade in Later Medieval England, 1353-1532

Part of the book series: Palgrave Studies in the History of Finance ((PSHF))

  • 491 Accesses

Abstract

Caroline Baron’s introduction to her ‘London 1300–1540’ chapter in the Cambridge Urban History is the key to understanding changes in the availability of Staple credit in later medieval England. She describes London’s unique position in the later Middle Ages as follows: ‘By the early fourteenth century London was pre-eminent among English urban communities. Whether ranked according to wealth or according to population, its pre-eminence was undisputed. Although London was larger, more populous and wealthier than other English towns, it was distinguished from them not only by size and volume: it developed, in the period covered here, characteristics that were distinctive. London was different not only in scale, but also in kind.’ Much of the foregoing analysis has suggested that the availability of high-value credit, or trade finance, declined in some areas of England and expanded in others over the course of the fifteenth century. Furthermore, the implicit assumption is that London took over as the principal centre for obtaining trade finance in the later Middle Ages, at the expense of these provincial centres. Indeed, Kermode, in her classic work on credit in Yorkshire in the fifteenth century, identifies the increasingly aggressive expansion of London’s merchants into Yorkshire combined with the Yorkshire merchants’ increasing indebtedness to Londoners, contracting northern trade and falling rents—the traditional source of collateral for debts—and a resulting southerly drift of Yorkshire merchants who began to set up businesses in London in the quest for the financial security offered by the capital as key to understanding economic contraction in the region. In terms of competition for trade, London played a central role in the waning fortunes of many provincial towns. The encroachment by Londoners into provincial trade is seen as a factor in the decline of other centres such as Bristol and Boston. Wendy Childs similarly suggests that, even in the worst periods of recession and bullion famine in the 1450s, credit continued to be extended to aliens. However, rather than the lenders being provincial merchants extending credit from their home ports, as had been the case in the past, this alien lending was undertaken from the mid-fifteenth century predominantly by Londoners. Once again this implicitly suggests that there was increased financial security to be found in the capital. Similarly, Derek Keene has chronicled the increasing commercial reach of Londoners into the rest of England from c. 1300, particularly as lenders, in his study of debt cases in the Court of Common Pleas.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this chapter

Chapter
USD 29.95
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
eBook
USD 99.00
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as EPUB and PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
Hardcover Book
USD 129.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Durable hardcover edition
  • Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
  • Free shipping worldwide - see info

Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout

Purchases are for personal use only

Institutional subscriptions

Notes

  1. 1.

    C. M. Barron, ‘London 1300–1540’, in The Cambridge Urban History of Britain, vol. 1, 600–1540, ed. D. M. Palliser (Cambridge University Press, 2000), 395.

  2. 2.

    J. Kermode, ‘Money and credit in the fifteenth century: some lessons from Yorkshire’, Business History Review 65 (1991): 496–500; J. Kermode, ‘Medieval indebtedness: the regions versus London’, in England in the Fifteenth Century, ed. N. Rogers (Stamford: Paul Watkins, 1994), 72–88.

  3. 3.

    S. H. Rigby, ‘“Sore decay” and “fair dwellings”: Boston and urban decline in the later Middle Ages’, Midland History 10 (1985): 50.

  4. 4.

    W. Childs, ‘“To oure losse and hindraunce”: English credit to alien merchants in the mid-fifteenth century’, in Enterprise and Individuals in Fifteenth-Century England, ed. J. Kermode (Stroud: Sutton, 1991), 68–98.

  5. 5.

    D. Keene, ‘Changes in London’s economic hinterland as indicated by debt cases in the Court of Common Pleas’, in Trade, Urban Hinterlands and Market Integration c. 1300–1600, ed. J. A. Galloway (Centre for Metropolitan History Working Papers Series, No. 3, London, 2000), 59–81.

  6. 6.

    C. M. Barron, London in the Middle Ages: Government and People, 1200–1500 (Oxford University Press, 2004), 91, 98, 101–2; Barron, ‘London 1300–1540’, 412–13.

  7. 7.

    A. Dyer, ‘Ranking of towns by taxpaying population: the 1377 Poll Tax’, in The Cambridge Urban History of Britain, vol. 1, ed. Palliser, 758. Whilst every layperson over the age of 14 should have been included, except the very poor, evasion was a common problem.

  8. 8.

    Barron, London in the Later Middle Ages, 45, 237–8. For a sole dissenting voice concerning London’s population in c. 1300, described as an ‘exaggerated fiction’, see P. Nightingale, ‘The growth of London in the medieval economy’, in Progress and Problems in Medieval England: Essays in Honour of Edward Miller, ed. R. H. Britnell and J. Hatcher (Cambridge University Press, 1996), 96–8.

  9. 9.

    J. F. Willard, ‘The taxes upon movables of the reign of Edward I’, English Historical Review 28 (1913): 519, 521; J. F. Willard, ‘The taxes upon movables of the reign of Edward II’, English Historical Review 29 (1914): 319.

  10. 10.

    A. Dyer, ‘Ranking lists of English medieval towns’, in The Cambridge Urban History of Britain, vol. 1, ed. Palliser, 755.

  11. 11.

    F. J. Fisher, ‘London as an “engine of economic growth”’ and ‘The development of London as a centre of conspicuous consumption’, in London and the English Economy, 1500–1700, ed. P. J. Cornfield and N. B. Harte (London: Hambledon Press, 1990), 185–98 and 105–18; E. A. Wrigley, ‘A simple model of London’s importance in changing English society and economy’, Past and Present 37 (1967): 44–70.

  12. 12.

    Kermode, ‘Money and credit’, 496–500; Kermode, ‘Medieval indebtedness’, 72–88.

  13. 13.

    S. Thrupp, ‘The grocers of London: a study of distributive trade’, in Studies in English Trade in the Fifteenth Century, ed. E. Power and M. Postan (London: Routledge, 1933), 277.

  14. 14.

    The counties of Cornwall, Devon (including Exeter), Somerset, Wilshire (including Salisbury), Dorset and the city of Bristol.

  15. 15.

    C241/159/13.

  16. 16.

    C 241/184/62; C 241/182/9 and 10; C 241/184/51; C 241/186/52; C 241/189/36 and 37; C 241/177/46 and 47; C 241/178/80; C 241/182/86.

  17. 17.

    J. A. Galloway, ‘One market or many? London and the grain trade of England’, in Trade, Urban Hinterlands and Market Integration, c. 1300–1600, ed. J. A. Galloway (Centre for Metropolitan History, Working Papers Series, No. 3, London, 2000), 29–31; R. B. Perberdy, ‘Navigation of the River Thames between London and Oxford in the late Middle Ages’, Oxoniensia 16 (1996): 311–40; Barron, London in the Later Middle Ages, 77.

  18. 18.

    P. Nightingale, ‘Norwich, London and the regional integration of Norfolk’s economy’, in Trade, Urban Hinterlands and Market Integration, ed. Galloway, 98.

  19. 19.

    C 241/184/5.

  20. 20.

    Furthermore, because of the large sample size, counties have only been counted once in each certificate.

  21. 21.

    Keene, ‘Changes in London’s hinterland’, 64; M. F. Stevens, ‘Londoners and the Court of Common Pleas in the fifteenth century’, in London and Beyond: Essays in Honour of Derek Keene, ed. M. Davies and J. A. Galloway (London: Institute of Historical Research, 2012), 321–3.

  22. 22.

    C 241/141/130.

  23. 23.

    For example, 13 certificates were transacted by debtors and creditors from Warwickshire, 21 from Norfolk, 11 from Sussex, 7 from Oxfordshire and 24 from Hertfordshire.

  24. 24.

    R. H. Britnell, ‘The English economy and government, 1450–1550’, in The End of the Middle Ages? England in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries, ed. J. L. Watts (Stroud: Sutton, 1998), 89–116.

  25. 25.

    H. Jewell, English Local Administration in the Middle Ages (Newton Abbot: David and Charles, 1972), 134–5; S. F. C. Milsom, Historical Foundations of the Common Law (London: Butterworths, 1981), 67–8.

  26. 26.

    Stevens, ‘Londoners and the Court of Common Pleas’, 235–6, 238; J. H. Baker, The Legal Profession and Common Law: Historical Essays (London: Hambledon Press, 1986), 348–9, 353–4; P. Tucker, ‘Relationships between London’s courts and the Westminster courts in the Reign of Edward IV’, in Courts, Counties and the Capital in the Later Middle Ages, ed. D. E. S. Dunn (New York: St Martin’s Press, 1996), 130–1.

  27. 27.

    Stevens, ‘Londoners and the Court of Common Pleas’, 230–1.

  28. 28.

    Stevens, ‘Londoners and the Court of Common Pleas’, 231, 239.

  29. 29.

    Data from Keene, ‘Changes in London’s hinterland’, 59–82; CP 40/279, CP 40/655.

  30. 30.

    Tucker, ‘Relationships between London’s courts’, 121, 125–6.

  31. 31.

    E. Z. Bennett, ‘Debt and credit in the urban economy: London 1380–1460’ (PhD dissertation, Yale University, 1989), 139–40, 144–5. London’s Mayor’s Court prosecuted lower-value debts (generally of under £4), had a higher proportion (90 per cent) of inter-Londoner litigation and many of the litigants were artisans or labourers.

  32. 32.

    Tucker, ‘Relationships between London’s courts’, 129–32.

  33. 33.

    Bridgwater Borough Archives, 1445–1468, ed. T. B. Dilks (Somerset Record Society, 60, 1948), 128, 146–7.

  34. 34.

    Keene, ‘Changes in London’s hinterland’, 65–78.

  35. 35.

    For medieval Southwark, see M. Carlin, Medieval Southwark (London: Hambledon Press, 1996).

  36. 36.

    C 241243/2.

  37. 37.

    See, for example, C 241/195/65; C 241/177/19; C 241/173/136; C 241/197/39A.

  38. 38.

    C 241/197/25; C 241/256/17; C 241/266/18; C 241/280/35; C 241/280/155; C 241/186/56.

  39. 39.

    C 241/186/2; C 241/186/27. For medieval Westminster, see G. Rosser, Medieval Westminster, 1200–1540 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989).

  40. 40.

    C 241/150/87; C 241/202/71.

  41. 41.

    C 241/252/4; C 241/274/17; C 241/209/28.

  42. 42.

    C 241/276/32; C 241/248/3; C152/65/2/141; C 241/189/43; C 241/184/19.

  43. 43.

    C 241/138/82; C 241/146/14; C 241/209/48; C 241/272/25; C 241/280/81; C 241/280/138.

  44. 44.

    B. M. S. Campbell, J. A Galloway, D. Keene and M. Murphy, A Medieval Capital and its Grain Supply: Agrarian Production and Distribution in the London Region c. 1300 (Historical Geography Research Series, 30, 1993); Galloway, ‘One market or many’, 28–36.

  45. 45.

    Keene, ‘Changes in London’s hinterland’, 63; Stevens, ‘Londoners and the Court of Common Pleas’, 231; D. Keene, ‘The South-East of England’, in The Cambridge Urban History of Britain, vol. 1, ed. Palliser (Cambridge University Press, 2000), 577–9.

  46. 46.

    C241/205/26.

  47. 47.

    Barron, London in the Later Middle Ages, 61; P Nightingale, ‘Monetary contraction and mercantile credit in later medieval England’, Economic History Review 43 (1990): 565.

  48. 48.

    The last certificate was enrolled at London in 1402 (C 241/197/36).

  49. 49.

    E. E. Rich, ‘List of officials of the Staple of Westminster’, Cambridge Historical Journal 4(2) (1933): 192–3.

  50. 50.

    C 241/152/4.

  51. 51.

    Barron, ‘London 1300–1540’, 395.

  52. 52.

    Dyer, ‘Ranking of towns’, 758; Barron, London in the Later Middle Ages, 239–41. Population estimates from Poll Tax figures are highly subjective and should always be treated with a degree of latitude.

  53. 53.

    Carlin, Medieval Southwark, 143–4.

  54. 54.

    Rosser, Medieval Westminster, 175.

  55. 55.

    V. Harding, ‘Houses and households in Cheapside, c. 1500–1550’, in London and Beyond, ed. Davies and Galloway, 138–43.

  56. 56.

    V. Harding, ‘The population of London, 1500–1700: a review of the published evidence’, London Journal 15 (1990): 111–28.

  57. 57.

    P. Clark and P. Slack, English Towns in Transition, 1500–1700 (Oxford University Press, 1976), 83.

  58. 58.

    M. Kowaleski, Local Markets and Regional Trade in Medieval Exeter (Cambridge University Press, 1995), 187–9.

  59. 59.

    Campbell, Galloway, Keene and Murphy, A Medieval Capital and its Grain Supply; Galloway, ‘One market or many’, 23–42.

  60. 60.

    See, for example, C 241/143/166; C 241/138/166; C 241/138/138; C 241/139/78.

  61. 61.

    See, for example, C 241/133/88; C 241/143/122; C 241/164/148.

  62. 62.

    C 241/175/39.

  63. 63.

    C 241/275/146.

  64. 64.

    C 241/238/10.

  65. 65.

    C 241/236/27.

  66. 66.

    C 241/186/60; C 241/186/15.

  67. 67.

    C 241/175/33.

  68. 68.

    E. A. Wrigley, ‘Brake or accelerator? Urban growth and population growth before the Industrial Revolution’, in Urbanization in History: A Process of Dynamic Interactions, ed. J. de Vries, A. Hayami and A. M. van der Woude (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995), 103.

  69. 69.

    Barron, London in the Later Middle Ages, 239; B. Megson, ‘Mortality among London citizens in the Black Death’, Medieval Prosopography 19 (1998): 125–33.

  70. 70.

    D. Keene, ‘A new study of London before the Great Fire’, Urban History Yearbook (1984): 18: Letter Book H, 84, 162, 155.

  71. 71.

    Harding, ‘Houses in Cheapside’, 138–43.

  72. 72.

    Carlin, Medieval Southwark, 142–3.

  73. 73.

    A. F. Sutton, ‘The early linen and worsted industry of Norfolk and the evolution of the London Mercers’ Company’, Norfolk Archaeology 40 (1989): 201–23, 205–6.

  74. 74.

    Kowaleski, Local Markets and Regional Trade, 158.

  75. 75.

    Rosser, Medieval Westminster, 45, 65.

  76. 76.

    E. Ekwall, Studies in the Population of Medieval London (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1956), xliii–xliv; J. Waring, ‘Changes in the geographical distribution of apprentices to the London companies’, Journal of Historical Geography 6 (1980): 241–9.

  77. 77.

    S. L. Thrupp, The Merchant Class of Medieval London, 1300–1500 (University of Chicago Press, 1948), 208.

  78. 78.

    Thrupp, The Merchant Class, 208–10.

  79. 79.

    The Merchant Taylors’ Company of London: Court Minutes, 1486–93, ed. M. Davies (Stamford: Paul Watkins, 2000), 32–4.

  80. 80.

    R. C. Allen and J. L. Weisdorf, ‘Was there an “industrious revolution” before the Industrial Revolution? An empirical exercise for England, 1300–1830’, Economic History Review 64(3) (2011): 717.

  81. 81.

    S. Rappaport, Worlds within Worlds: Structures of Life in 16th-Century London (Cambridge University Press, 1989), 85, 148.

  82. 82.

    J. Boulton, ‘Wage labour in 17th century London’, Economic History Review 49(2) (1996): 287.

  83. 83.

    S. J. O’Connor, ‘Finance, diplomacy and politics: royal service by two London merchants in the reign of Edward III’, Historical Research 67(162) (1994): 18–39.

  84. 84.

    O’Connor, ‘Finance, diplomacy and politics’, 18–39.

  85. 85.

    C. M. Barron, ‘Eyre, Simon (c.1395–1458)’, Oxford DNB, www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/52246 (date accessed 28 January 2016).

  86. 86.

    C 241/234/11 and 13.

  87. 87.

    C. M. Barron, ‘Richard Whittington: the man behind the myth’, in Studies in London History Presented to Philip Edmund Jones, ed. A. E. J. Hollaender and W. Kellaway (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1969), 197–248.

  88. 88.

    C 241/168/81; C 241/168/83; C 241/181/75; C 241/185/6; C 241/209/29.

  89. 89.

    J. Oldland, ‘The allocation of merchant capital in early Tudor London.’ Economic History Review 63, no. 4 (2010), 1075–6, 1079.

  90. 90.

    L. G. Mathews, The Royal Apothecaries (London: The Wellcome Historical Medical Library, 1967).

  91. 91.

    Paston Letters and Papers of the Fifteenth Century, vol. 1, ed. N. Davis (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976), 291.

  92. 92.

    See, for example, C 241/179/17; C 241/271/21; C 241/171/29; C 241/158/104; C 241/259/4; C 241/210/1.

  93. 93.

    A. F. Sutton, ‘Caxton was a mercer: his social milieu and friends’, in England in the Fifteenth Century: Proceedings of the Harlaxton Conference, 1992, ed. N. Rogers (Stamford: Paul Watkins, 1994), 118–48.

  94. 94.

    Thrupp, Merchant Class, 159; John A. Burrow, Thomas Hoccleve. Authors of the Middle Ages 4: English Writers of the Late Middle Ages (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1994).

  95. 95.

    C. M. Barron, ‘The expansion of education in fifteenth-century London’, in The Cloister and the World: essays in Honour of Barbara Harvey, ed. J. Blair and B. Golding (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996), 219–45.

  96. 96.

    H. M. Jewell, ‘The bringing up of children in good learning and manners: a survey of secular educational provision in the North of England, c. 1350–1550’, Northern History 18 (1982): 1–25.

  97. 97.

    H. S. Bennett, The Pastons and their England: Studies in an Age of Transition (Cambridge University Press), 101.

  98. 98.

    J. H. Baker, ‘The English legal profession, 1450–1500’, in Lawyers in Early Modern Europe and America, ed. W. R. Prest (London: Croom Helm, 1981), 16–41.

  99. 99.

    A Book of London English, 1384–1425, ed. R. W. Chambers and M. Daunt (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1931), 16.

  100. 100.

    Thrupp, Merchant Class, 158–9, 161.

  101. 101.

    M. K. James, ‘A London merchant of the Fourteenth Century’ Economic History Review 8(3) (1956), 366.

  102. 102.

    The Cely letters, 1472–1488, ed. A. Hanham (Early English Text Society, Oxford, 1975), xxii–xxiii.

  103. 103.

    C. Dyer, Everyday Life in Medieval England (London: Hambledon Press, 2000), 260–1.

  104. 104.

    The Stonor Letters and Papers, 1290–1483, vol. 2, ed. C. L. Kingsford (London: Camden Society, 30, 1919), 164, 252.

  105. 105.

    Davis, The Paston Letters, 227, 236, 247, 252, 263.

  106. 106.

    Barron, London in the Later Middle Ages, 75–6.

  107. 107.

    Barron, London in the Later Middle Ages, 66.

  108. 108.

    R. Goddard, ‘Commercial contraction and urban decline in fifteenth-century Coventry’ (Stratford-upon-Avon: Dugdale Society Occasional Papers, 46, 2006), 11–15.

  109. 109.

    Goddard, ‘Commercial contraction’, 13–16.

  110. 110.

    Barron, London in the Later Middle Ages, 73.

  111. 111.

    D. Keene, ‘Metalworking in medieval London: an historical survey’, Journal of the Historical Metallurgy Society 30 (1996): 95–102.

  112. 112.

    J. Blair and N. Ramsay, English Medieval Industries: Craftsmen, Techniques, Products (London: Hambledon Press, 1991), 81–106.

  113. 113.

    See, for example, C 241/184/142; C 241/222/31; C 152/65/1/187.

  114. 114.

    P. Lindley, ‘Absolutism and regal image in Ricardian sculpture’, in The Regal Image of Richard II and the Wilton Diptych, ed. D. Gordan, L. Monnas and C. Elam (London: Harvey Miller Publishers, 1998), 61–83.

  115. 115.

    See, for example, C 241/173/1.

  116. 116.

    P. Binski, ‘Monumental brasses’, in Age of Chivalry: Art in Plantagenet England, 1200–1400, ed. J. Alexander and P. Binski (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1987), 171–3.

  117. 117.

    C 241/166/73; see, for example, C 241/228/27.

  118. 118.

    M. Campbell, ‘English goldsmiths in the fifteenth century’, in England in the Fifteenth Century, ed. D. Williams (Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer, 1987), 43–52.

  119. 119.

    A relation, or rather a true account, of the island of England: with sundry particulars of the customs of these people and of the royal revenues under King Henry the Seventh, about the year 1500, ed. C. A. Sneyd (London: Camden Society, 1847), 42–3.

  120. 120.

    C 241/204/33.

  121. 121.

    C 241/229/15; C 241/230/46; C 241/230/56.

  122. 122.

    A relation of the island of England, ed. Sneyd, 11.

  123. 123.

    J. Hatcher, English Tin Production and Trade before 1550 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973), 137.

  124. 124.

    John Blair and Nigel Ramsey, English medieval Industries: craftsmen, techniques, products (London: Hambledon Press, 1991), 57–80.

  125. 125.

    See, for example, C 241/181/25; C 241/186/24.

  126. 126.

    See, for example, C 241/229/38; C 241/280/163; C 241/141/186.

  127. 127.

    J. Kermode, ‘The greater towns, 1300–1540’, in The Cambridge Urban History of Britain, vol. 1, ed. Palliser, 450.

  128. 128.

    D. Keene, Survey of Medieval Winchester, vol. 1 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985), Table 26.

  129. 129.

    C 241/254/43.

  130. 130.

    Barron, London in the Later Middle Ages, 91, 98, 101–2; Barron, ‘London 1300–1540’, 412–13.

  131. 131.

    E. M. Carus-Wilson, Medieval Merchant Venturers (London: Routledge, 1967), 143–82; J. Kermode, ‘Money and credit’, 475–501.

  132. 132.

    Merchant Taylors, ed. Davies, 39.

  133. 133.

    J. A. Galloway, ‘Market networks: London hinterland trade and the economy of England’, in Centre for Metropolitan History Annual Report, 1997–8 (Institute of Historical Research, 1998), 48.

  134. 134.

    C 241/247/5.

  135. 135.

    Barron, London in the Later Middle Ages, 66; Goddard, ‘Commercial contraction and urban decline’, 11.

  136. 136.

    D. Keene, Cheapside before the Great Fire (London: Economic and Social Research Council, 1985), 12–13.

  137. 137.

    Barron, London in the Later Middle Ages, 66.

  138. 138.

    P. Nightingale, A Medieval Mercantile Community: The Grocers’ Company and the Politics and Trade of London, 1000–1485 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995), 574.

  139. 139.

    Thrupp, The Merchant Class of Medieval London, 43–5.

  140. 140.

    Dyer, ‘Ranking of towns’, 759, 761–3. For Barnstable, see W. G. Hoskins, A New Survey of England: Devon (London: Collins, 1972), 327–30.

  141. 141.

    S. O’Conner, ‘Finance, diplomacy and politics: royal service by two London merchants in the reign of Edward III,’ Historical Research, 67, no. 162 (1994), 26–7, 33, 37–8.

  142. 142.

    Barron, ‘Richard Whittington’, 197–248.

  143. 143.

    Barron, London in the Later Middle Ages, 66.

  144. 144.

    Barron, London in the Later Middle Ages, 133.

  145. 145.

    P. J. Cain and A. G Hopkins, British Imperialism: Innovation and Expansion, 1688–1914 (London: Longman, 1993).

  146. 146.

    Cain and Hopkins, British Imperialism, 61, 102.

  147. 147.

    Cain and Hopkins, British Imperialism, 109–10, 113–16.

  148. 148.

    Cain and Hopkins, British Imperialism, 119–21, 179.

  149. 149.

    Cain and Hopkins, British Imperialism, 117.

  150. 150.

    Cain and Hopkins, British Imperialism, 122, 128.

  151. 151.

    A. Marshall, Principles of Economics: An Introductory Volume (London: Macmillan, 1920), 267–77; C. A. Smith, ‘Types of city-size distributions: a comparative analysis’, in Urbanization in History, ed. de Vries, Hayami and van der Woude, 22, 25–31, 33–4, 36–42.

  152. 152.

    V. Henderson, ‘The urbanisation process and economic growth: the so-what question’, Journal of Economic Growth 8 (2003): 47–71.

  153. 153.

    J. C. Davis and J. V. Henderson, ‘Evidence on the political economy of the urbanisation process’, Journal of Urban Economics 53 (2003): 98–125; Smith, ‘Types of city-size distributions’, 20–41.

  154. 154.

    Smith, ‘Types of city-size distributions’, 33–4.

  155. 155.

    P. A. Hoenberg, ‘The city: agent or product of urbanisation’, in Urbanization in History, ed. de Vries, Hayami and van der Woude, 359.

  156. 156.

    Nightingale, Medieval Mercantile Community.

Author information

Authors and Affiliations

Authors

Copyright information

© 2016 The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s)

About this chapter

Cite this chapter

Goddard, R. (2016). London: The Commercial Powerhouse. In: Credit and Trade in Later Medieval England, 1353-1532. Palgrave Studies in the History of Finance. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-48987-6_5

Download citation

  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-48987-6_5

  • Published:

  • Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, London

  • Print ISBN: 978-1-137-48985-2

  • Online ISBN: 978-1-137-48987-6

  • eBook Packages: Economics and FinanceEconomics and Finance (R0)

Publish with us

Policies and ethics