Abstract
Community youth sport programmes often target boys who are considered ‘at-risk’ of failing at school or not transitioning to an ‘ideal’ adulthood, with the assumption that sport will ‘save them from social alienation’. In this chapter, we extend literature that examines sport programmes as a form of governmentality. We show how on the one hand such programmes reinforce the need for self-regulation among youth, and on the other hand produce an attraction to certain aspects of being a young person ‘at-risk’ (where it appears the more ‘at-risk’ you are the more likely you are to become a ‘famous’ sportsperson). We draw on ethnographic data collected from seven 13–15-year-old boys (including two Indigenous Australian and two Maori) involved in a regional New South Wales Police-run community-based Youth ‘At-Risk’ Programme. This programme aimed to improve relationships between local police and young people who had previous involvement in minor criminal activity. In this context, sport, rather than educational success, is positioned as a ‘way out’ of social marginalisation for young males, especially Indigenous boys, where the overrepresentation of Indigenous men in popular sports, such as rugby league, can establish desirable future selves. In other words, the very programmes that are designed to counter ‘risk’ through sport can work to maintain, create or celebrate risk, making participants feel even more alienated and disengaged from school and/or the workforce when they step outside of the sport programme and return to these ‘normalising’ contexts.
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Notes
- 1.
In problematising and analysing the dialogue of the young people and staff, we are not discounting the benefits of these programmes for the young people, such as the potential for gaining a constructive sense of self-respect, self-worth and self-confidence.
- 2.
Although all boys attended the same local high school, the older, ‘riskier’ boys (i.e., who had criminal records) were asked by the police to join the programme, while the teachers from the high school selected the other boys who attended the programme.
- 3.
Lynne and Max both joined the police force at an early age and had lots of experience with young people who they consider to have difficult lives and are labelled ‘at-risk’. There was obvious passion from both youth workers for running this programme and they connected well with youth, and all of the boys appeared to respect them.
- 4.
Scott identifies as being Indigenous. He likes to be the centre of attention—and often tried to be the leader of the PCYC boys. He was very open to discussing anything Hutchesson asked about in great depth. As with MC, he is very reflective but not hypocritical, he accepts that he perhaps should not engage in illicit activities and tells the boys not to, but admits he continues to do so. He has some disdain for the police in general and discusses being pulled over and searched for drugs constantly or questioned in regard to break and entries.
- 5.
Ben identifies as being Maori. His pale complexion, however, was the topic of many heated discussions between Ben and John (another member identifying as Maori). The group refused to accept Ben was Maori because of his pale skin colour. He played the role of a very tough kid which was taken very lightly by the others. He was a loud personality, yet never really was heard by the other boys in the group. He disliked the police in general. He believed teachers are racist as they ‘do not like Kiwi people’. It was for this reason that he believed he was singled out and ostracised by teachers. Ben was the only one in the group who professed his hatred of drugs and refusal to take them.
- 6.
Jeff has an Anglo Saxon background. At the time of the study he had 11 people living at home with him: Dad and his girlfriend, 5 sisters, 3 brothers and a nephew. He is the second oldest. He was basically a quiet boy, but because of his solid size and age he sits on the top end of the pecking order among the PCYC boys. He really enjoyed playing football and wanted to play in one of the ‘big teams’ one day at the national level. Jeff had negative feelings towards police as he explained he used to get into a lot of trouble by them for engaging in criminal behaviour. He would cheer at the other boy’s retelling of risky behaviour and boasted of taking ‘speed’ (an illegal drug) once to enhance his football performance.
- 7.
MC was very charismatic and the leader of the PCYC pack. Larger and older than most of the boys, he controlled the dynamics when he was present. Hutchesson had contact with him outside the programme as he was an acquaintance of her son’s. His dialogue appeared game-like, as on one hand it was reflective, suggesting to the adults that the other young boys in the group should learn from his mistakes. While on the other hand he acted tough and proudly revealed his engagement in criminal activities to the boys while the youth workers were not present. He would stir trouble between the boys without the youth workers knowing and then solve it to gain respect from the adults. Despite the boys and Hutchesson seeing this game play, no one confronted or challenged his control. He had some disdain for the police, but only to the ones who would catch him drinking and make him tip out his alcohol onto the ground or the ones who would constantly pull him over to check his bags for drugs. MC has had a lot of contact with courts and the police.
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Hutchesson, R., Dionigi, R.A., Gottschall, K. (2018). ‘At-Risk’ Youth Sport Programmes: Another Way of Regulating Boys?. In: Dionigi, R., Gard, M. (eds) Sport and Physical Activity across the Lifespan. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-48562-5_8
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