Abstract
That the material form of the Black Books is inextricably tied to their application and meaning is a foundational premise of the study. Chapter 3 examines the production technologies of format, binding and textual style as an exterior ‘reading’. While the descriptive enquiry answers the simple question of what characterises the Black Books, the analysis sheds light on why these material features appear as they do and what caused their application. The close focus on material features shows that format, binding and textual style not only make the Black Books books in their own right but also that they contribute to the presentation of the knowledge contained as authorisation strategies to secure its reception.
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Notes
- 1.
‘Denne bog til hører mig/Skolelærer/Arne Larsen /kiøbt i Amsterdam i/Holland den 15de September/1816 og givet for den/3 Stÿver’, see AAKS, svartebok. For more information on Arne Larsen , see Chap. 2.
- 2.
This is evident from his own comments in the book, and as such the book is one of very few in the corpus to testify to active experimentation .
- 3.
Cf. Bradin Cormack and Carla Mazzio , Book Use, Book Theory: 1500–1700 (University of Chicago: University of Chicago Library, 2005), p. 9. For a general introduction to material applications and writings and their meanings, see Peter Stoicheff, ‘Materials and Meanings’, in The Cambridge Companion to the History of the Book, ed. Leslie Howsam, Cambridge Companions to Literature. The Cambridge Companion to the History of the Book (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), pp. 73–89.
- 4.
When referring to bibliographical features, I use the most common terms applied within this field. This entails giving simple explanations of material facets of the manuscripts, rather than applying a full-scale bibliographic apparatus which would require specialised knowledge both from a potential reader and from me. Therefore, I have striven to make these descriptions as transparent as possible in my analysis without losing sight of important details.
- 5.
Henrik Horstbøll , Menigmands medie: Det folkelige bogtryk i Danmark 1500–1840: En kulturhistorisk undersøgelse, vol. 19, Danish Humanist Texts and Studies (Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanums Forlag, 1999), pp. 275–76.
- 6.
When examining the books I make no distinction between potentially ready-made and bought books which were later inscribed and books which were manufactured by their owners. Apart from the introductory case, I have found no proof, either in the material or in additional information on the books, of others being purchased.
- 7.
Charlotte Appel, Læsning og bogmarked i 1600-tallets Danmark, vol. 23, Danish Humanist Texts and Studies (Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanums Forlag, 2001).
- 8.
Ibid., pp. 613–35; Cormack and Mazzio , p. 46.
- 9.
Margaret J. M. Ezell , ‘Handwriting and the Book’, in The Cambridge Companion to the History of the Book, ed. Leslie Howsam, Cambridge Companions to Literature. The Cambridge Companion to the History of the Book (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), pp. 90–106.
- 10.
‘En/Lieden Haand/Bog/Rigtig Copi/Efter Origialen/befunden og Sammen/skreven paa Pergament/Anno 1516 den/16de September/’, see NB MS 8 640i.
- 11.
‘En Liden Kunstbog/eller et/Udtog af Selve/Sybrinaus,/ som var skreven af biskop/Johanes Sell til Oxford/udi England’, see Mary S. Rustad, ed., The Black Books of Elverum (Lakeville, MN: Galde Press, 1999).
- 12.
‘[D]enne lille Bog er mange nyttige/undrætninger j for dem som/forsigtig vil bruge dem baade/til folk of kreatur’, see NFS Moltke Moe 106 VI,d.
- 13.
In an article from 2014 I explore the possible stationary use of the Black Books through a thought experiment in connection with one of the few Black Book collectors in the corpus , see Ane Ohrvik, ‘Et forsøk på portrett av en svarteboksamler i Norsk Folkeminesamling’, in ‘En vild endevending av al virkelighet’: Norsk Folkeminnesamling i hundre år, ed. Line Esborg and Dirk Johannsen (Oslo: Novus Forlag, 2014), pp. 207–18.
- 14.
For further details on the motives for these legends , consult Chap. 8.
- 15.
Horstbøll , 1919, pp. 273–354. See also ‘In Octavo: Formater, form og indhold på det populære litterære marked i 1700-tallets Danmark’, in Bokens materialitet, ed. Mats Malm, Barbro Ståhle Sjönell, and Petra Söderlund, Nordisk Nätverk För Editionsfilologer (Stockholm: Svenska Vitterhetssamfundet, 2009), pp. 197–223.
- 16.
See, for example, the study by Morten Fink-Jensen, Fornuften under troens lydighed. Naturfilosofi, medicin og teologi i Danmark 1536–1636 (Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanums Forlag, 2004).
- 17.
The first almanac in Norway was printed in Kristiania (Oslo) in 1644 by the printer Tyge Nielszøn , also in duodecimo , and with Danish almanacs as models. The Danish models are evident from the times of sunrise and sunset in this almanac , which are presented using the horizon of Copenhagen , not Kristiania. This is also the case for the following almanac printed in 1678, see J. Fr. Schroeter, ‘De ældste trykte almanakker og kalendarier i Norge’, in Boken om bøker, ed. Herman Jæger and W. P. Sommerfelt (Oslo: Steenske Forlag, 1926), pp. 93–108.
- 18.
See, for instance, Petit Albert, Le solide tresor des merveilleux secrets de la magie naturelle et cabalistique du petit Albert. Traduit exactement sur l’Original latin qui a pour titre Alberti parvi lucii libellus de mirabilibus naturae arcanis. Enrichi de plusieurs figures mystérieuses pour former des talismans, avec la maniere de les faire. (Bellegarde: [S.n.], 1658); Anon, The Magick of Kirani, King of Persia, and of Harpocration containing the magical and medicinal vertues of stones, herbes, fishes, beasts, and birds : a work much sought for by the learned but seen by few : said to have been in the Vatican-Library in Rome but not to be found there nor in all the famous libraries of the empire / now published and translated into English from a copy found in a private hand. (London: [S.n.], 1685).
- 19.
See, for instance, Caspar Jugel, Oeconomia: Eller nødvendige beretning oc anleding, hvorledis en gandske huußholding paa det nytteligste oc beste (saa fremt Gud allermæctigste giffver sin velsignelse) Kand anstillis, [vol. 1], Oeconomia Nova paa danske: Med andre hosføyede tractater (Copenhagen, 1648); Peter Hake, En liden dog konsterig bog/ om adskillige slags farffve oc bleck, vol. 2, Oeconomia Nova (Copenhagen: Jørgen Holst, 1648); Valentin Boltz von Ruffach, En ny oc konstrig illuminer-bog : Det er, hvorledis konsteligen er at giøre oc berede alleslags farffver, som er meget lystig oc gaffnlig at vide for skriffvere, malere oc andre som elske saadan konst, sampt nogle nye tilsatte konst-stycker som tilforne aldrig ere udgangne paa prent, Oc nu paa danske udsat, oc til trycken forfærdiget., ed., [vol. 3], ibid. (Copenhagen: Peter Hake); Hans Herwigk, En nyttig bog om bjer: Hvorledis mand med dennem skal handle oc omgaaes, af egen forfarenhed oc flittig observation colligeret oc sammenskreffven efter den maneer oc maade som her udi Danmarck nytteligst oc gaffnligst befindis, [vol. 9], ibid. (Copenhagen: Jørgen Holst, 1649).
- 20.
These books were generally printed in octavo formats; see, for example, Anon, Christophe Landré, and Jeremias Martius, Kunstbüch … von mancherley nutzlichen, biszher verborgnen und lustigen Künsten … sampt einem andern Büchlin / vor etlichen Jaren in frantzösischer Sprach, durch Christophorum Landrinum auszgangen, darinn etliche fürtreffliche bewerte Artzneyen … begriffen seind, jetzt aber beyde in Teutsche Sprach verfertiget durch Hieremiam Martium (Augsburg: Manger, Michael, 1597); Pietro Bairo , Secreti medicinali … Ne quali si contengono i rimedii che si possono usar in tutte l’infermità che vengono all’huomo. Cominciando da capelli fino alla pianta de piedi … Et questo libro per l’utilità sua si chiama, Vieni meco. [Pietro Bairo] (Venice: Tebaldini, Nicolo, 1602); Pierre Erresalde, Nouveaux secrets rares et curieux. Donnez charitablement au public par une personne de condition. Contenant divers remèdes eprouvez, utils & profitables pour toutes sortes de maladies. Seconde édition. Augmentée de remèdes très souverains pour se penser de la maladie contagieuse, & se préserver d icelle. Avec divers secrets pour la conservation de la beauté des dames, & une nouvelle manière pour faire toutes sortes de confitures, tant seiches que liquides. [Pierre Erresalde]. (Paris: Loyson, Jean-Baptiste, 1639–1675, 1660).
- 21.
John Dagenais , The Ethics of Reading in Manuscript Culture: Glossing the Libro De Buen Amor (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), pp. 16–17. See also Linda Nix, ‘Early Medieval Book Design in England : The Influence of Manuscript Design on the Transmission of Texts’, in A Millennium of the Book: Production, Design & Illustration in Manuscript & Print 900–1900, ed. Robin Myers and Michael Harris (Delaware: Oak Knoll Press, 1994), p. 2.
- 22.
When in 1743, an unknown woman named Hedvig Charlotta Nordenflycht anonymously published a collection of poems, the choice of the small octavo format (17 × 10 cm) in which the book appeared demonstrated humility, Per Ridderstad argues. See Per S. Ridderstad, Textens ansikte i seklernas spegel: Om litterära texter och typografisk form: Anförande vid Svenska Vitterhetssamfundets årsmöte den 27 Maj 1998 (Stockholm: Svenska vitterhetssamfundet, 1999), p. 11.
- 23.
One of them being the possibility to publish critical political ideas. During the short period of freedom of the press in Denmark-Norway from 1770 to 1773, numerous political works were published anonymously. See Henrik Horstbøll , ‘Anonymiteten, trykkefriheden og forfatterrollens forandring i 1700-tallets Danmark’, Lychnos: Årsbok för idé- och lärdomshistoria 2010 (2010).
- 24.
Cormack and Mazzio , p. 8.
- 25.
See NB MS 4 832 and NB MS 8 641.
- 26.
Astrid Bugge, Bokbind og bokbindere i Norge inntil 1850 (Oslo: Aschehoug, 1927), pp. 87–98. For an overview of binding techniques and the binding trade in Europe before 1800, see Julia Miller, Books Will Speak Plain: A Handbook for Identifying and Describing Historical Bindings (Ann Arbor, MI: Legacy Press, 2010); Nicholas Pickwoad, ‘Onward and Downward: How Binders Coped with the Printing Press before 1800’, in A Millennium of the Book: Production, Design & Illustration in Manuscript & Print 900–1900, ed. Robin Myers and Michael Harris (Delaware: Oak Knoll Press, 1994), pp. 61–106.
- 27.
See NFS Svartebok fra Ål i Hallingdal.
- 28.
From around 1500 to around 1850 Danish was the only written language in Norway . The Norwegian written language had developed from Old Norse in the early centuries of the Middle Ages to Old Norwegian in the period c. 700-c.1350 and then to Middle Norwegian in the period c. 1350-c. 1525. When Norway came under Danish rule in 1536, Danish became the official written language and eventually suppressed Norwegian. An independent Norwegian written language was not developed until the second half of the nineteenth century. For a general introduction to the history of the Norwegian language, see Arne Torp and Lars S. Vikør, Hovuddrag i norsk språkhistorie, 3rd ed. (Oslo: Gyldendal Akademisk, 2003). When referring to ‘Norwegian writings’ in the early modern period I mean the writings produced by Norwegians.
- 29.
Knut Johannessen, Den glemte skriften: Gotisk håndskrift i Norge, Riksantikvaren Skriftserie 28 ([Oslo]: Riksarkivet, 2007), p. 18.
- 30.
Ibid., p. 27.
- 31.
These are NFS Moltke Moe 106 VIa, NFS Moltke Moe 106 VIb and Svartebok fra Kvam (in private ownership).
- 32.
Jostein Fet , Skrivande bønder: Skriftkultur på Nord-Vestlandet 1600–1850 (Oslo: Samlaget, 2003), p. 362.
- 33.
Johannessen, p. 124.
- 34.
‘Cyprianus:/ den over ald Verden viit berømte/ Sorte-Konster./ paa nye igjennemseet of forbedret/ af Høylærde og Konstererfarne/ Doctoribus/ Trykt udi Stavanger i Norge Anno 1699’, see NB MS 4832.
- 35.
Fet , p. 364.
- 36.
Lis Byberg, ‘På sporet av 1700-tallets lesere’, in Bokhistorie, ed. Tore Rem (Oslo: Gyldendal, 2003), pp. 82–101; Gina Dahl, Books in Early Modern Norway, vol. 17, Library of the Written Word (Leiden: Brill, 2011), pp. 161–83. As is pointed out in a European context, not only did the general level of reading skills improve, but new modes of reading were also introduced, see Reinhard Wittman, ‘Was There a Reading Revolution at the End of the Eighteenth Century?’, in A History of Reading in the West, ed. Guglielmo Cavallo and Roger Chartier, Histoire De La Lecture Dans Le Monde Occidental (Oxford: Polity, 1999), pp. 284–312.
- 37.
Similar perspectives on the values ascribed to different writing styles can be detected in the discussions of the switch from fraktur to roman letters, which engaged authors and publishers in Norway during the nineteenth century. See Tore Rem, ‘Materielle variasjoner: Overgangen fra fraktur til antikva i Norge’, in Bokens materialitet: Bokhistoria och bibliografi: Bidrag till en konferens anordnad av Nordisk Nätverk För Editionsfilologer 14-16 september 2007, ed. Mats Malm, Barbro Ståhle Sjönell and Petra Söderlund, Nordisk Nätverk För Editionsfilologer, Skrifter 8 (Stockholm: Svenska Vitterhetssamfundet, 2009), pp. 151-73.
- 38.
For a discussion of the use of the concept of ‘imitation’ in printed and handwritten texts, see Margaret M. Smith, ‘The Design Relationship between the Manuscript and the Incunable’, in A Millennium of the Book. Production, Design & Illustration in Manuscript & Print 900–1900, ed. Robin Myers and Michael Harris (Delaware: Oak Knoll Press, 1994), pp. 24–25.
- 39.
Cf. D. F. McKenzie , Bibliography and the Sociology of Texts (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), p. 19; Roger Chartier, ‘Reading Matter and “Popular” Reading: From the Renaissance to the Seventeenth Century’, in A History of Reading in the West, ed. Guglielmo Cavallo and Roger Chartier, Histoire De La Lecture Dans Le Monde Occidental (Oxford: Polity, 1999), p. 278.
- 40.
For statistics concerning the Norwegian witch trials, see, for instance, Hans Eyvind Næss, Med bål og brann: Trolldomsprosessene i Norge (Stavanger: Universitetsforlaget, 1984). Næss provides several tables throughout his study, and while they have been revised upwards since he first published his study, they still give a good picture of the Norwegian context; Gunnar W. Knutsen, Trolldomsprosessene på østlandet: En kulturhistorisk undersøkelse, vol. 17, Publikasjoner fra Tingbokprosjektet (Oslo: Tingbokprosjektet, 1998), pp. 27–30, 32–33, 35. Knutsen discusses the witch trials in the eastern part of Norway . For the witch trials in northern Norway and in connection with the Sami peoples, see Liv Helene Willumsen, Witches of the North: Scotland and Finnmark, vol. 170, Studies in Medieval and Reformation Traditions (Leiden: Brill, 2013); Rune Blix Hagen, “Witchcraft and Ethnicity: A Critical Perspective on Sami Shamanism in Seventeenth-Century Northern Norway,” Writing witch-hunt histories, ed. Marko Nenonen and Raisa Maria Toivo (2014). A comprehensive source book with transcripts of the witch trials in northern Norway is also available in English; see Liv Helene Willumsen and Katjana L. Edwardsen, The Witchcraft Trials in Finnmark, Northern Norway (Vadsø: Varanger Museum Skald, 2010).
- 41.
‘Mester Baldtzer fich hannom Bogen, och sagde at den schulde werre goed for hans Eldste søns Siugdom, og leste den for hannom’, see NFS Process no. 259 Ryfylke tingbok A 13, 1630–1631, fol. 18b–19a.
- 42.
‘[D]erforre ey At haffue brugt den til nogen Guds naffns Misbrugh’, see ibid. In another case, the book is the centre of attention and the reason for a huge quarrel between several involved; see NFS Process no. 38 Aurskog, Akershus, Oslo lagdømme tingbok 5, 1611.
- 43.
Cf. Roger Chartier and Lydia G. Cochrane, The Author’s Hand and the Printer’s Mind (Cambridge: Polity, 2014), p. 67.
- 44.
Kathleen Stokker, Remedies and Rituals: Folk Medicine in Norway and the New Land (Saint Paul, MN: Minnesota Historical Society Press, 2007).
- 45.
See NFS Vinjeboken, DHS-k87o7/4924 Ølheimboken, NB MS 8 640k, Black Book from Bergen (B3) respectively. The information regarding how they were discovered in these locations are in the provenance records of these Black Books.
- 46.
These legends come from around 300 narratives recorded from the mid-nineteenth century to the first half of the twentieth century and are available from the Norwegian Folklore Archives.
- 47.
See Walter J. Ong , Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word, New Accents (London: Routledge, 2002); D. F. McKenzie , ‘Speech—Manuscript—Print’, in New Directions in Textual Studies, ed. Robin Bradford and Dave Oliphant (Austin, TX: Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center, University of Texas at Austin, 1990).
- 48.
Cf. Margaret J. M. Ezell , ‘Invisible Books’, in Producing the Eighteenth-Century Book: Writers and Publishers in England, 1650–1800, ed. Laura L. Runge and Pat Rogers (Newark, DL: University of Delaware Press, 2009), pp. 457–85; William Sherman and Heather Wolfe, ‘The Department of Hybrid Books: Thomas Milles between Manuscript and Print’, Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 45, no. 3 (2015); Zeynep Tenger and Paul Trolander, ‘From Print Versus Manuscript to Sociable Authorship and Mixed Media: A Review of Trends in the Scholarship of Early Modern Publication’, Literature Compass 7, no. 11 (2010).
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Anon. 1685. The Magick of Kirani, King of Persia, and of Harpocration Containing the Magical and Medicinal Vertues of Stones, Herbes, Fishes, Beasts, and Birds: A Work Much Sought for by the Learned but Seen by few : Said to Have Been in the Vatican-Library in Rome but Not to be Found There Nor in All the Famous Libraries of the Empire/Now Published and Translated into English from a Copy Found in a Private Hand. London: [S.n.]. Printed in the year 1685.
Anon, Christophe Landré, and Jeremias Martius. 1597. Kunstbüch … von mancherley nutzlichen, biszher verborgnen und lustigen Künsten … sampt einem andern Büchlin/vor etlichen Jaren in frantzösischer Sprach, durch Christophorum Landrinum auszgangen, darinn etliche fürtreffliche bewerte Artzneyen … begriffen seind, jetzt bber beyde in Teutsche Sprach verfertiget durch Hieremiam Martium. Augsburg, Germany: Manger, Michael.
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Ohrvik, A. (2018). Making Knowledge. In: Medicine, Magic and Art in Early Modern Norway. Palgrave Historical Studies in Witchcraft and Magic. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-46742-3_3
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