Abstract
This chapter starts off by synthesizing and critiquing the status quo of research about Chinese internet. I present three case studies on the internet-mediated politics, around the themes of nationalism, gender and class, to challenge the dominant analytical framework. They unsettle a series of entrenched binary thinking, such as state vs. market, state vs. society, censorship vs. freedom, centralized control vs. dispersed network, deliberation vs. emotion. The three cases also illustrate the dialectic process of mediation, in the sense of media discourse being embedded in social and political context while also shaping subjectivity and practices.
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Notes
- 1.
This video from the New York Times captures the wide-ranging usage of WeChat : https://www.nytimes.com/video/technology/100000004574648/china-internet-wechat.html?mcubz=2
- 2.
Translation of speech by Rogier Creemers: https://chinacopyrightandmedia.wordpress.com/2013/11/12/xi-jinpings-19-august-speech-revealed-translation/
- 3.
The difference in internet penetration rates across provinces is an indication of the level of economic development. Beijing and Shanghai have the highest rates of 77.8 percent and 74.1 percent respectively, while Yunnan province, which is one of the least developed regions in China, is at the bottom of the list with a penetration rate of 39.9 percent, significantly lower than the national average of 53.2 percent.
- 4.
This is similar to Yahoo! Answer, where registered users can post a question to solicit the collective intelligence of others. But zhihu.com is much more vibrant and attracts a much wider range of questions than Yahoo! Answer. It practically functions as an open discussion forum, with all content visible to registered and non-registered users alike. For example, the link included above is to the more than two thousand answers to the question: “What do you think of the Liyi Ba Jan. 20 Facebook expedition?”
- 5.
Taobao.com is a major e-commerce platform owned by Alibaba .
- 6.
Maotai is the most famous hard liquor brand in China, produced in Zunyi, Guizhou. The city of Zunyi was also where an important meeting of the Chinese Communist Party was held in 1935, after which Mao Zedong decided to take the Red Army inland on the famous Long March.
- 7.
Such simplification or even distortion is what propelled a group of women scholars teaching and studying in the United States during the 1990s to put together a collection of personal memoirs titled Some of Us (Zhong, Wang, & Di, 2001), which told a different story about Chinese women growing up in the Mao era.
- 8.
I assign each interviewee a number based on the order of the interview (M01–M16). I then indicate the location with the initial of the city (B means Beijing, S means Shanghai).
- 9.
These are the words used by the founder during an interview with me to describe her aspiration.
- 10.
http://www.youthmba.com/aboutus, accessed May 15, 2017.
- 11.
http://www.wx135.com/wxes/TBEducation, accessed May 15, 2017.
- 12.
Minban education generally refers to non-state schools, which can be sponsored and operated by a variety of “social forces.”
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Meng, B. (2018). From Angry Youth to Anxious Parents: The Mediated Politics of Everyday Life. In: The Politics of Chinese Media. China in Transformation. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-46214-5_5
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