Abstract
The previous two chapters highlighted how colonial liberalism deployed the biopolitics of race and gender in the production of taxonomies of freedom, in which Indian, African, Chinese and white populations were ascribed differential endowments of civility, measured largely in terms of colonial understandings of ethnicized gender and family arrangements. In these arrangements the colonially structured hierarchy of race, in which the African body represented the extreme baseline limit of humanity contrasted with whiteness as its pinnacle, was central to the logics of colonial governmentality. This chapter begins the process of returning to the present by using the example of the Sacred Woman African-centred women’s healing and personal development programme to examine the complexities of the postcolonial politics of gender and Black representation, and how some Black British women have drawn on an African American women’s healing programme in local practices of freedom aimed at addressing the local as well as diasporic realities of Black life. Through close textual analysis as well as the use of qualitative interviews with two women who have participated in the Sacred Woman programme, or similar African-centred women’s programmes, this chapter sets out to understand the formal discourse of the scheme, interweaving narratives from interviews showing how women have used it, and how it is interpreted by those women. The chapter will examine how the Black body is imagined and deployed strategically and non-strategically—in the untidy everyday tactics that some Black women use to empower themselves in struggles against the various individuals, groups, institutions and systems that they understand as blocking their path to autonomy, self-determination or freedom. These ‘new’ liberation struggles take place largely outside the old forms and arenas of politics, increasingly emerging at the level of the individual and acted out in the contours of the everyday, of the personal and on the body, producing a poetics and aesthetics of the self. By analysing how the racialized and gendered Black body is both represented and worked on in this programme, this chapter seeks to answer the following questions. What conceptions of personhood, freedom and the body are produced within the formal discourse of the programme? What is being problematized or brought into question? And what are we told about the problem-spaces to which these questions are a response? How might we use the discourse of the programme to identify the contemporary problem-spaces of the present to which it seeks to provide remedies and critiques?
Notes
- 1.
In The Post-Colonial Critic: Interviews, Strategies, Dialogues, Gayatri Spivak (1990) introduces the concept of strategic essentialism to argue that there are moments when it might be necessary for members of oppressed groups to essentialize themselves, in order to resist oppression.
- 2.
Cf. Emmanuel Chukwudi Eze, Postcolonial African Philosophy: A Critical Reader (1997).
- 3.
See the Macpherson Report (1999) of the inquiry into the racist murder in South London in 1993 of Black teenager Stephen Lawrence at the hands of a group of white youths.
- 4.
Racialization denotes any circumstance where the idea of ‘race’ is employed in discourse. Robert Miles defines it as the representational process in which social significance is assigned to biological human differences and used to group people together into social groups (Miles 1989, 75). Martin Barker (1981) introduces the concept of ‘new racism’ to describe the processes by which racialization works through cultural rather than biological differences.
- 5.
See African American Religious Cultures, ed. Anthony B. Pinn, Stephen C. Finley and Torin Alexander (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2009).
- 6.
Queen Afua, Mission Statement: http://www.blacknet.co.uk/sacredwoman/mission.htm. 20 July 2002.
- 7.
Queen Afua, interview with Angie Le Mar on The Ladies Room, Choice FM 107.1, London 2000. Transcript available at http://www.blacknet.co.uk/sacredwoman/ladiesroom.htm. 20 July 2002.
- 8.
The slave status was legally passed on through the mother, as the law governing slave societies did not allow slaves to marry or recognize paternity in slaves as a significant social or legal status (Gutman 1976).
- 9.
Sacred Woman: Ladies Room interview, p. 2.
- 10.
See Francis Cress Welsing, The Isis Papers: The Keys to the Colors (Chicago: Third World Press, 1994); Bernard R. Ortiz de Montellano, ‘Afrocentric Pseudoscience: The Miseducation of African Americans’, Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 2006, 775: 561–572; Marvin Harris, Theories of Culture in Postmodern Times, especially ch. 9 ‘Confronting Ethnomania’ (Walnut Creek: AltaMira Press, 1998).
- 11.
See https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Melanin; Bruno J. Nicolaus (2005). ‘A Critical Review of the Function of Neuromelanin and an Attempt to Provide a Unified Theory’. Medical Hypotheses 65 (4): 791–796.
- 12.
It is likely that Mandisa was referring to the 1796 shipwreck in Rapparee Cove, Ilfracombe, of a ship carrying enslaved Africans from St. Lucia to Bristol. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/ uknews/1319739/Devon-in-three-way-battle-over-bones-of-shipwrecked-slaves.html. Accessed 16 June 2016.
- 13.
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Noble, D. (2016). Beyond Racial Trauma: Remembering Bodies, Healing the Self. In: Decolonizing and Feminizing Freedom. Thinking Gender in Transnational Times. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-44951-1_7
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