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Food Security, Land, and Development

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The Palgrave Handbook of International Development

Abstract

Modern development is associated with replacing small-scale producers. This goal, or outcome, stems from a historical process within Europe, dependent at the time on sourcing food and fibre from non-European peasants. Despite being historically specific to the rise of Europe, ‘development’ as a universal has come to mean displacing place-based farming with agro-industrialisation. This chapter explores the implications of this trajectory, and its claims of addressing ‘food security’, at the same time examining the epistemic origins of the separation of society and its ecological foundations that enable the abstraction of nature in modern agriculture. Given the declining indicators of agro-industrial efficiency, and the rising degradation of ecosystems alongside persistent poverty and hunger, the possibility of preserving and promoting biodiverse small-scale farming is becoming increasingly attractive to communities and citizens across the world, supported by a growing scientific consensus regarding its greater productivity and resilience, and thereby inverting the development narrative.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    C.L.R. James observed that slave labour systems in the Americas prefigured the first proletariat, insofar as extensive monocultures in Europe were disallowed at the time by guild laws and property relations (1963).

  2. 2.

    Nevertheless, the USA, UK, France, the Netherlands, and New Zealand have a percentage of small farms in the range of 10–25 % (Hilmi 2012: 69).

  3. 3.

    ‘Peasantries’ are diverse across time and space, sharing attributes of the ‘farm as a place of labour, where… labour is provided by the family and mobilised within the community through relations of reciprocity’ (Hilmi 2012: 25).

  4. 4.

    Davis shows how this was hardly the case for colonial subjects (2001).

  5. 5.

    The WTO’s export regime has contributed to the transformation of Africa into a food importer, importing 25 % of its food, and exporting high-value crops such as green beans, coffee, flowers, and biofuels. While economic theory postulates that high-value exports can assist in financing staple food imports, the food crisis revealed the limits of this scenario.

  6. 6.

    Thus: ‘Underpinning these deals is the longstanding failure of many African states to recognise, in law and practice, the customary land rights of existing farming households and communities, and the perpetuation of the colonial legal codes that centralise control over such lands in the hands of the state as trustee of all unregistered property’ (Hall 2014).

  7. 7.

    Unsurprisingly, AGRA recognises ‘this will require some degree of land mobility and a lower percentage of total employment involved in direct agricultural production’ (Gates Foundation 2008, quoted in Mittal 2009: 4).

  8. 8.

    Unless supply chains are regulated in the interest of the producer—thus, the UN Right to Food Rapporteur has proposed, in addressing rights violations stemming from buyer concentration: ‘global food supply chains will contribute significantly to the reduction of rural poverty only to the extent that such abuses are effectively combated through competition law regimes that are designed to be consistent with the obligation of States to protect the right to adequate food’ (De Schutter 2010a: 6).

  9. 9.

    Thus, ‘for many agribusiness companies the contract farming solution is a public relations exercise designed to build alliances in the areas where they produce and source their throughput, and to access subsidised credit from agencies buying into the “smallholder path” to development. In fact, access to subsidised credit seems a significant factor driving agribusiness to engage smallholders’ (Oya 2012: 10).

  10. 10.

    For example: ‘conventional agricultural research enjoyed 60 years of massive private and public sector support for crop genetic improvement, dwarfing funding for organic agriculture by 99 to 1’ (Holt-Giménez 2012: 1).

  11. 11.

    For example, in the Kisarawe region, southwest of Dar es Salaam (Tanzania), 11 villages agreed to convert ‘village land’ into 20,000 acres of ‘general land’ to Sun Biofuels for a large-scale biofuel plantation to supply Europe. The project failed, the villagers remain excluded from their land (now planted in Jatropha trees) and without the compensation promised in the form of 1000 jobs, infrastructure, schools, health clinics, and investment in local farms. And so long as the company pays the minimal rent, the land remains available for the next investor (Wise 2014). As the World Bank’s recent Report on The Practice of Responsible Investment Principles in Larger-Scale Agricultural Investments (2014c) makes clear, this is not an isolated occurrence.

  12. 12.

    Thus: ‘benchmarking produces comparisons and contrasts that will stimulate policy change’ (World Bank 2014e)—policy change, that is, in the Bank mold, now termed ‘the process of agricultural transformation’—involving reforms ‘towards a more favourable enabling environment (to) support the growth and productivity of small, medium and large-scale smallholder farmers engaged in agribusiness’ (Idem). Note the ‘goldilocks trilogy’ language here that does not distinguish farming models between industrial and non-industrial agriculture. This obscuring process is repeated in the Bank’s report The Practice of Responsible Investment Principles in Larger-Scale Agricultural Investments (2014c, emphasis added).

  13. 13.

    Accompanied by misinformation from the biotechnology industry, since GM crops (overwhelmingly for feed and fuel) have not proven to be any more productive than conventional crops, encourage superweeds and overuse of chemicals, and certainly do not match small farm biodiversity (Patel 2013).

  14. 14.

    This is exemplified in Moore’s comment that, in distinguishing capitalism’s value from nature’s wealth: ‘Marx does not deny that external nature does work useful to humans, only that (from the perspective of capital) its productions do not directly enter into capitalism’s particular crystallization of wealth’ (2003: 450).

  15. 15.

    This is not to say Marx approved of this. Thus: ‘the entire spirit of capitalist production, which is oriented towards the most immediate monetary profits—stands in contradiction to agriculture, which has concerned itself with the whole gamut of permanent conditions of life required by the chain of human generations’, and ‘The moral of the tale … is that the capitalist system runs counter to a rational agriculture, or that a rational agriculture is incompatible with the capitalist system (even if the latter promotes technical development in agriculture) and needs either small farmers working for themselves or the control of the associated producers’ (quoted in Foster 2000: 164–165).

  16. 16.

    This percentage includes both agriculture and land use change, much of which involves clearance for agriculture.

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McMichael, P. (2016). Food Security, Land, and Development. In: Grugel, J., Hammett, D. (eds) The Palgrave Handbook of International Development. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-42724-3_37

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