Abstract
Few organisations if any escape the need to think about their public image: increasing competition between international organisations and growing requirements on performance make image important in a new way. But how would that be done, and whose image counts? Organisations may try to impact on the way they are perceived. Do they do so strategically? Can such action be counterproductive? Here, the reader is invited to note and ponder on how much the organisations talk not about themselves but about each other. They can jointly produce a shared image of how they are and how they cooperate, but they can also give a certain image of another organisation, consciously or not. They influence the others’ images, spread views on which organisation is good at what kinds of tasks and deal with potential vulnerabilities. A way of exercising power over another organisation, simply put, is to impact its image. The chapter lays out examples of how organisations convey an image of themselves, in documents. It goes on to looking at how they convey an image of another organisation: how they talk on each other and depict each other in the documents and strategies they produce. But it also looks at joint imagery, such as in the joint EU-NATO declarations of 2002 and 2016. What emerges from the analysis is that the organisations are aware of the extent to which they depend on each other and seem to move towards shared relevance and inter-legitimation.
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Notes
- 1.
See examples of both Haas, Deutsch and Hoffmann in Chap. 3.
- 2.
Examples could include the UN criticism of the EU’s response in migration issues. See, for example, “UN attacks ‘woefully inadequate’ Mediterranean migrant rescue operation,” The Guardian, 12 February 2015, “UN criticises EU’s anti-migrant rhetoric,” EUObserver, 4 March 2016.
- 3.
Auto-legitimisation is an oxymoron, says Reus-Smit (2007: 159).
- 4.
Schimmelfennig’s (2003) study of why the EU and NATO have enlarged considers different kinds of rationalist arguments and sociological accounts, ending up in arguing that rhetorical action was in the end decisive for the enlargement to happen. Those with interests seem however to be state representatives; the point of view of the organisations themselves is lacking.
- 5.
See Kenna (2011) who argues that the EU would profit from increasing public diplomacy through social media, particularly if based on a strategic approach.
- 6.
These observations may be quite interesting from a theoretical point of view: the independence of an organisation is a central feature and possibly a crucial difference between the organisations, and ultimately it is a major component of power.
- 7.
The numbers in the brackets in this paragraph refer to the numbered points of this document.
- 8.
For instance, in its way of using the word “fragility.”
- 9.
Particularly Libya: NATO wanted to show it is to reckon with, led to bad reputation, corrupting its mission, led to more polarisation of power resources and paralysis of the UN Security Council: thus, NATO damaged the UN.
- 10.
The Strategic Concept was adopted in a summit held in Lisbon.
- 11.
Europe’s World, N. 17, 2011, originally pp. 44–45.
- 12.
But see also the context in which the strategy was drafted in 2003 and its purposes.
- 13.
- 14.
Fogh Rasmussen’s speeches have been accessed through the NATO webpage.
- 15.
What also transpired from the interviews was that in the UN, the EU was (sometimes) perceived as interfering with internal matters of states (Director 2013).
Bibliography
Documents, Speeches and Other Material
Ashton, Catherine. 2010. Speech at the United Nations Security Council meeting S/PV.6306 on Cooperation between the United Nations and regional and subregional organizations in maintaining international peace and security. May 4. http://www.un.org/en/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/PV.6306&referer=http://www.un.org/en/sc/meetings/records/2010.shtml&Lang=E
ESS. 2003. European Security Strategy—A Secure Europe in a Better World. December 12. http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cmsUpload/78367.pdf
EU’s Cybersecurity Strategy. 2013. Joint Communication to the European Parliament, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions: Cybersecurity Strategy of the European Union: An Open, Safe and Secure Cyberspace. Brussels. February 7, 2013, JOINT (2013) 1 final. EUISS Yearbook of European Security Y.E.S. 2014, 231–252. Paris: European Union Institute for Security Studies. https://www.iss.europa.eu/content/euiss-yearbook-european-security-2014
EU Global Strategy. 2016. Shared Vision, Common Action: A Stronger Europe—A Global Strategy for the European Union’s Foreign and Security Policy. June 2016. https://europa.eu/globalstrategy/sites/globalstrategy/files/eugs_review_web.pdf
EU-NATO Joint Declaration. 2016. Joint declaration by the President of the European Council, the President of the European Commission, and the Secretary General of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Tusk, Donald, Jean-Claude Juncker & Jens Stoltenberg. http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/official_texts_133163.htm?selectedLocale=en
European Council. 2008. Report on the Implementation of the European Security Strategy—Providing Security in a Changing World. Approved by the European Council held in Brussels on 11 and 12 December 2008 and drafted under the responsibilities of the EU High Representative Javier Solana. http://www.consilium.europa.eu/ueDocs/cms_Data/docs/pressdata/EN/reports/104630.pdf
———. 2013. The European Council Conclusions of 2013 EUCO 217/13. December 20. http://data.consilium.europa.eu/doc/document/ST-217-2013-INIT/en/pdf
Mogherini, Federica. 2016. Foreword. “Shared Vision, Common Action: A Stronger Europe”—A Global Strategy for the European Union’s Foreign and Security Policy, 3–5. https://europa.eu/globalstrategy/sites/globalstrategy/files/eugs_review_web.pdf
NATO. 2002. EU-NATO Declaration on ESDP. Press Release (2002) 142. Issued on December 16. http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natolive/official_texts_19544.htm
———. 2006. Riga Summit Declaration. November 29. http://www.nato.int/docu/pr/2006/p06-150e.htm
———. 2008. Bucharest Summit Declaration. April 3. http://www.nato.int/cps/in/natohq/official_texts_8443.htm
———. 2010a. Strategic Concept. Adopted at the NATO Summit in Lisbon. November 19–20. http://www.nato.int/nato_static/assets/pdf/pdf_publications/20120214_strategic-concept-2010-eng.pdf
———. 2010b. Lisbon Summit Declaration. November 20. http://www.nato.int/cps/po/natohq/official_texts_68828.htm
———. 2012. Chicago Summit Declaration. May 20. http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/official_texts_87593.htm?selectedLocale=en
———. 2016. Warsaw Summit Communiqué. July 8–9. http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/official_texts_133169.htm
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Interviews
Deputy Assistant Secretary General, NATO, Brussels, July 9, 2013.
Deputy Secretary General, European External Action Service, Brussels, July 8, 2013.
Director, United Nations, New York, June 10, 2013.
Director, United Nations, New York, June 10, United Nations, New York, June 12, 2013.
Director, United Nations, New York, June 10, United Nations, New York, June 10, 2013. This Interview was completed by e-mail correspondence.
Head, United Nations, New York, June 12, 2013.
Minister Counsellor, Permanent Mission of a Member State to the United Nations, New York, June 10, 2013.
NGO UN Office Representative, New York, June 11, 2013.
Officer, NATO and Multilateral Affairs Section, Political Affairs and Security Policy Division, Brussels, July 9, 2013.
Senior Advisor, NGO/Think Tank, New York, June 12, 2013.
Senior Policy Advisor, UNDP, Brussels, July 8, 2013.
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Ojanen, H. (2018). Power at Work: Relevance and Image. In: The EU's Power in Inter-Organisational Relations. The European Union in International Affairs. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-40908-9_7
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