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Political Repression in Castro’s Cuba: Policies, Institutions and Victims

  • Maria C. Werlau

Abstract

Among the Communist systems of the past century, and those that still survive, Cuba has been one of the most repressive and depriving as is indicated by the huge numbers of refugees escaping the island often under extremely difficult and life-threatening conditions. It has also been a system that allowed less freedom of expression than most other Communist states. Especially significant is that, unlike in Eastern Europe, the liberalization and later collapse of the Soviet Union did not lead to the relaxation of repressive policies or to a weakened will to power on the part of its leaders.

Keywords

Political Violence Civil Disobedience Moral Indignation Soviet Bloc Political Prisoner 
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

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Notes

  1. 1.
    Brian Latell, After Fidel (New York, 2005). See, in particular, Chapter 4, “My True Destiny.” Latell conducted years of research into Fidel’s childhood and youth. The author shares his findings after having studied Castro for years and after having had numerous conversations with many individuals who have known him since childhood, during his revolutionary days, and as ruler of Cuba.Google Scholar
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    Clive Foss, The Tyrants: 2,500 Years of Absolute Power and Corruption (London, 2006).Google Scholar
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Further Reading

  1. Barrionuevo, Alexei. “Cash-stuffed suitcase splits Venezuela and Argentina.” International Herald Tribune, August 14, 2007, <http://www.iht.com/articles/2007/08/14/america/14argentina.php>.Google Scholar
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  4. Conquest, Robert. The Harvest of Sorrow. New York: Oxford University Press, 1986.Google Scholar
  5. Hernández Cuellar, Jesús. “Cuba: The Price of Dissent—Cuban Political Prisons.” Contacto, May 22, 1998.Google Scholar
  6. Hitler and Stalin: Roots of Evil. History Channel, 2002.Google Scholar
  7. Hitler, Stalin and Saddam. History Channel, n.d.Google Scholar
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  9. Hollander, Paul. The End of Commitment: Intellectuals, Revolutionaries and Political Morality. Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2006.Google Scholar
  10. Index of Economic Freedom. Heritage Foundation www.heritage.org/research/features/index/countries.cfm.
  11. Iskander Maleras and Luis Angel Valverde. Case Profile. Cuba Archive. http://www.cubaarchive.org/english_version/articles/44/1/Iskander-Maleras-and-Luis-Valverde”www.cubaarchive.org/english_version/articles/44/1/Iskander-Maleras-and-Luis-Valverde.
  12. Líneas Generales del Plan de Desarrollo Económico y Social de la Nacion 2007–2013. República Bolivariana de Venezuela. Caracas, Septiembre 2007. www.minci.gov.ve/doc/lineas_gen_nacion.pdf.
  13. Report of the National Commission for Truth and Reconciliation. Santiago, Chile, 1991. http://www.usip.org/library/tc/doc/reports/chile/chile_1993_toc.html.
  14. Oppenheimer, Andrés. “Chávez destabilizes, and U.S. pays bill.” The Miami Herald, October 18, 2007. www.miamiherald.com/news/columnists/andres_oppenheimer/story/275738.html.Google Scholar
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  17. U.S. Cuba Policy Report. September 30, 2003.Google Scholar
  18. RLINK. http://www1.lanic.utexas.edu/project/asce/pdfs/volume15/pdfs/werlau.pdf.
  19. Yañez, Eugenio. “La riqueza de Fidel Castro: Mito y Realidad.” La Nueva Cuba, August 17, 2005. www.futurodecuba.org/la_riqueza_de_fidel_castro_.htm.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Paul Hollander 2008

Authors and Affiliations

  • Maria C. Werlau

There are no affiliations available

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