Advertisement

China’s Bottom Line and Incentives for a Peaceful Solution

  • Suisheng Zhao
Part of the St Antony’s Series book series

Abstract

China will not allow Taiwan to become an independent state with sovereignty in the community of nation-states. This is the bottom line determined by the sentiments of Chinese nationalism. However, it has been continuously making adjustment in the strategy for reaching the ultimate goal of national reunification. From this perspective, one may also argue that Beijing’s bottom line is a dynamic one and the driving force behind Beijing’s Taiwan policy has not been static. While Mao Zedong was determined to take over Taiwan by force, Deng Xiaoping designed a peaceful offence strategy with the belief that increasing economic and cultural exchanges would eventually lead to political integration. After the rapid decay of communist ideology in the post-Cold War era, legitimacy crisis has become a grave concern of Deng and his successor Jiang Zemin. In the search for a means of dealing with the declining faith in communism and the lack of confidence in the communist system, the post-Mao leadership rediscovered the utility of nationalism, which has remained the bedrock of political belief shared by most Chinese people, including many of the communist regime’s critics. The post-Mao leadership quickly re-positioned itself as the representative of Chinese national interest and the defender of Chinese national pride against Western pressure and sanction.

Keywords

Taiwan Issue Legislative Yuan Chinese Nationalism Coercive Strategy Peaceful Offensive 
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

Preview

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Notes

  1. 4.
    Li Jiaquan, ‘Lee’s U.S. Visit Defies Agreement’, Beijing Review, 38, no. 26 (26 June-2 July 1995), 19–20.Google Scholar
  2. 5.
    For views on the improvement of the relationship across the Taiwan strait prior to the 1995–96 crisis, see, for example, Tse-kand Leng, The Taiwan-China Connection: Democracy and Development Across the Taiwan Strait (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1996);Google Scholar
  3. Ralph N. Clough, Reaching Across the Taiwan Strait: People-to-People Diplomacy (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993);Google Scholar
  4. Jane Khanna (ed)., Southern China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan: Evolution of a Subregional Economy (Washington DC: The Centre for Strategic & International Studies, 1995);Google Scholar
  5. and David Shambaugh (ed.), Greater China: The Next Superpower? (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995).Google Scholar
  6. 6.
    For the 1995–96 crisis, see Suisheng Zhao (ed.), Across the Taiwan Strait: Mainland China, Taiwan, and the 1995–96 Crisis (New York: Routlege, 1999).Google Scholar
  7. 7.
    Avery Goldstein, ‘How to Deal with China’, Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes (fpri@fpri.org), 1 Mar. 1999.Google Scholar
  8. 10.
    Alexander George, ‘Introduction: The Limits of Coercive Diplomacy’, in Alexander L. George and William E. Simons (eds), The Limits of Coercive Diplomacy (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1994), 2.Google Scholar
  9. 41.
    You Ji, ‘Making Sense of War Games in the Taiwan Strait’, Journal of Contemporary China, no. 15 (Mar. 1997), 300.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited 2004

Authors and Affiliations

  • Suisheng Zhao

There are no affiliations available

Personalised recommendations