Abstract
Among the various regions in the world where it has offered foreign aid and foreign investments, China arguably has regarded Southeast Asia geopolitically as the most important. There are former tribute bearers in the area. There are more Chinese living in Southeast Asian countries than anywhere else in the world. Adjacent sea-lanes have become vitally important to China as it has become a trading giant and as it needs to import energy and natural resources and export its products. Last but not the least the region is booming economically and China and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have recently formed the largest economic bloc in the world.
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Notes
John F. Copper, China’s Foreign Aid: An Instrument of Peking’s Foreign Policy (Lexington, MA: D. C. Heath, 1976), pp. 27–28.
Jay Taylor, China and Southeast Asia: Peking’s Relations with Revolutionary Movements (New York: Praeger, 1974), p. 5.
Bernard Fall, Street without Joy (Harrisburg, PA: Stackpole, 1961), p. 27, and
Robert Shaplen, The Lost Revolution (New York: Harper and Row, 1966), p. 69.
J. J. Zasloff, “The Role of the Sanctuary in Insurgency, Communist China’s Support for the Vietminh, 1946–1954,” Rand Corporation Memorandum RM-4618TR, May 1967, p. 5.
Chu Hao, “Enduring Ties: Sino-Vietnamese Relations Witness Their 60th Anniversary amid High Hopes,” Beijing Review, January 14, 2010, p. 14.
Melvin Gurtov and Byong-Moo Hwang, China under Threat: The Politics of Strategy and Diplomacy (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1980), p. 159–60. The authors note that Chinese aid and support for the National Liberation Front at this time was “modest” as China did not see it as the most important national liberation movement in progress at the time and anyway thought it would ultimately succeed without China’s help.
Richard M. Bueschel, Communist China’s Air Power (New York: Praeger, 1968), p. 83.
Allen S. Whiting, “How We Almost Went to War with China,” Look, April 29, 1969, p. 76, cited in Gurtov and Hwang, China under Threat, p. 161.
People’s Daily, November 21, 1979, cited in Allen S. Whiting, “Forecasting Chinese Foreign Policy: IR Theory vs. the Fortune Cookie,” in Thomas W Robinson and David Shambaugh (eds.), Chinese Foreign Policy: Theory and Practice (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), pp. 516–17. Also see Hao, “Enduring Ties,” p. 14. The author states that the Chinese troops killed of those that remained in Vietnam number in “the thousands.”
In 1965, US Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara said he feared Chinese intervention if the United States hit really lucrative targets. During that year it was reported the US military did damage amounting to $70 million to North Vietnam, costing the United States $460 million to do it. See Phillip B. Davidson, Vietnam at War—the History: 1946–1975 (Novato, CA: Presidio Press, 1988), p. 389.
Nayan Chanda, Brother Enemy: The War after the War (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1986), p. 17. See the section on Cambodia for details on China’s $1 billion dollar aid donation.
See Henry Kissinger, On China (New York: Penguin, 2011), p. 345.
Francois Nivolon, “Vietnam on the Aid Trail,” December 9, 1977. The author cites the higher figure. This writer feels that was too high. See Copper, “China’s Foreign Aid in 1977,” p. 25.
Alexander Vuving, “Tradition and Modern Sino-Vietnam Relations,” in Anthony Reid and Zheng Yangwen (eds.), Negotiating Asymmetry: China’s Place in Asia (Singapore: National University of Singapore Press, 2009), p. 9.
Suisheng Zhao, “The Making of China’s Periphery Policy,” in Suisheng Zhao (ed.), Chinese Foreign Policy: Pragmatism and Strategic Behavior (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 2004), p. 220.
Pobzeb Vang, Five Principles of Chinese Foreign Policies (Bloomington, IN: Author House, 2008), p. 216. The author cites the following sources: “The Truth about Vietnam-China Relations over the Last Thirty Years, Chinese Law and Government, Spring 1983, pp. 33–93; “Facts about Sino-Vietnamese Relations: Beijing Review, December 7, 1979, p. 23; China News Analysis, April 25, 1980; Washington Post, May 17, 1989, p. 31. Another writer also cites this figure; see Chanda, Brother Enemy, p. 260 and 325. China also stated that it spent $600 million on homes, jobs, and education for refugees from Vietnam. See “Cooperation between UN and China,” Beijing Review, October 21, 1985, p. 19. Also see Xinhua, May 26, 1980, cited in Copper, China’s Foreign Aid in 1979–80, p. 6. The figure of $20 billion in total aid to Vietnam was confirmed recently by a Chinese source; see Hao, “Enduring Ties,” p. 14. The author states that 20,000 experts and advisors were sent to Vietnam and “thousands” of Chinese soldiers perished on the battlefields in Vietnam.
It is interesting to note that China reportedly promised Vietnam $2 billion to agree to China’s plans for Cambodia. See Michael Haas, Genocide by Proxy: Cambodian Pawn on a Superpower Chessboard (New York: Praeger, 1991), p. 249.
See Bronson Percival, The Dragon Looks South: China and Southeast Asia in the New Century (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2007), pp. 43–45.
David Shambaugh, “China Engages Asia, Reshaping the Regional Order,” International Security, Winter 2004/05, p. 81, cited in Percival, The Dragon Looks South, p. 45.
Thomas Lum, Wayne M. Morrison, and Bruce Vaughn, “China’s ‘Soft Power’ in Southeast Asia,” Congressional Research Service, January 4, 2008, p. 7.
Roger Mitton, “Beijing Refuses Aid to Hanoi after Rebuff over Taiwan,” Straits Times, December 22, 2006.
Ian Storey, “China’s ‘Charm Offensive’ Loses Momentum in Southeast Asia (Part I),” China Brief, April 29, 2010.
Dennis C. McCornac, “Vietnam’s Relations with China: A Delicate Balancing Act,” China Research Center, August 1, 2011 (online at chinacenter.net).
Pham Nuyen, “Adjusting Imports to Ease Reliance on China,” Vietnam Net Bridge, January 24, 2011, cited in
James Bellacqua, “The China Factor in U.S.-Vietnam Relations,” China Strategic Issues Group, March 2012 (online at cna.org).
Adam Forde, “Vietnam in 2011: Questions of Domestic Sovereignty,” Asian Survey, January/February 2012, p. 179.
This seems to refute realist theory since Vietnam, as well as Mongolia, South Korea, and Taiwan that were all seriously threatened by China’s rise had drawn closer to China. See Steve Chan, Looking for Balance: China, the United States, and Power Balancing in East Asia (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2012), p. 82.
Dingding Chen, “China’s Deployment of Oil Rig Is Not a Mistake,” The Diplomat, May 20, 2014 (online at thediplomat.org).
Khang Vu, “What Awaits Vietnam in 2015,” The Diplomat, January 16, 2015 (online at thediplomat.org).
David I. Steinberg, Burma: A Socialist Nation in Southeast Asia (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1982), p. 123. Nationalist Chinese controlled areas in northern Burma in alliance with local warlords and drug people.
Sidney Klein, Politics versus Economics: The Foreign Trade and Aid Policies of China (Hong Kong: International Studies Group, 1968), p. 152.
Peking Review, January 13, 1961, cited in Copper, China’s Foreign Aid, p. 56. 77. Ibid., p. 56. Also see Maung Maung Than Tin, “Myanmar and China: A Special Relationship?” Southeast Asian Affairs, 2003, pp. 191. Tin calls the agreement a goodwill gesture after the border agreement and the treaty.
For a list of projects begun, suspended, and restarted at this time, see Wolfgang Bartke, China’s Economic Aid (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1975), pp. 90–91.
For details, see Carolyn Wakeman and San San Tin, No Time for Dreams: Living in Burma under Military Rule (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2009), p. 31. An alternative or partial explanation for what happened is that Burma’s military leader, Ne Win, needed an enemy in the context of growing domestic political instability. See Steinberg, Burma, p. 123.
William L. Scully and Frank N. Trager, “Burma 1979: Reversing the Trend,” Asian Survey, February 1980, pp. 170–71, and Asia Yearbook 1981, p. 149. Both are cited in Copper, China’s Foreign Aid in 1979–80, p. 19. The former source cites the larger amount.
See Josef Silverstein, “Burma in 1980: An Uncertain Balance Sheet,” Asian Survey February 1981, pp. 212–22.
Robert O. Tilman, “Burma in 1986: The Process of Involution Continues,” Asian Survey, February 1987, p. 261.
John Badgley and James F. Guyot, “Myanmar in 1989: Tatmadaw V,” Asian Survey February 1990, p. 193.
Daniel L. Byman and Roger Cliff, China’s Arms Sales: Motivations and Implications (Santa Monica, CA: Rand Corporation, 1999), p. 19.
Kent E. Calder, Asia’s Deadly Triangle: How Arms, Energy and Growth Threaten to Destabilize Asia-Pacific (London: Nicholas Brealey, 1997), p. 105.
It is worth noting that Li’s words were taken in part from the Bangkok Declaration that followed a meeting in Thailand’s capital in March and April 1993 during which time China put forth the idea that human rights conditions had to be seen in the context of the history and culture of any nation. Many Asian and Third World countries supported this. For details, see John F. Copper and Ta-ling Lee, Coping with a Bad Global Image: Human Rights in the People’s Republic of China, 1993–1994 (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1997), pp. 170–71.
John Badgly, “Myanmar in 1993: A Watershed Year,” Asian Survey, 1994, p. 154 and 158.
Donald M. Seekins, “Burma in 1998: Little to Celebrate,” Asian Survey, 1999, p. 18.
Maung Maung Than Tin, “Myanmar (Burma) in 2000: More of the Same,” Asian Survey, 2001 p. 154. It is assumed this was a new loan, though no conditions were cited. The plant was to be built by a Chinese company in Yunnan Province.
Lyall Breckon, “China Caps a Year of Gains,” Comparative Connections, January 2003, cited in
Robert G. Sutter, Chinese Foreign Relations: Power and Policy since the Cold War (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2010), p. 269.
Jared Gesner, “China’s Role in the World: The China-Burma Relationship,” U.S. Economic and Security Review Commission, August 3, 2006. (This is from testimony provided by the author. He noted that perhaps the funds were not delivered.)
Jeffrey York, “The Junta’s Enablers,” International News, October 6, 2007 cited in Lum et al., “China’s ‘Soft Power’ in Southeast Asia,” p. 6.
It has been reported that the number of Chinese in Myanmar has increased by tens of thousands. See Donald M. Seekins, “Burma in 1999: A Slim Hope,” Asian Survey, 2000, p. 21.
By 2002, bilateral trade had annually exceeded $600 million with 80 percent of it Chinese exports. See Allen L. Clark, “Burma in 2002: A Year of Transition,” Asian Survey, 2003, p. 154. Also see
Mary P Callahan, “Myanmar in 1994: New Dragon or Still Dragging,” Asian Survey, 1995, p. 206. The author notes that factories in Myanmar were running at less than 40 percent of capacity because of Chinese competition.
Jim Webb, “We Can’t Afford to Ignore Myanmar,” New York Times, August 26, 2009 (online at nyt.com).
Wai Moe, “China-Burma Pipeline Work to Start in September,” Irrawaddy Online, June 16, 2009 (online at irrawaddy.org).
Sean Turneil, “Myanmar in 2011: Confounding Expectations,” Asian Survey, January/February 2012, pp. 159–60.
Daniel Ten Kate, “Myanmar Seeks ‘Win-Win-Win’ in Balancing US-China Competition,” Bloomberg, December 4, 2011 (online at bloomberg.com); “Chinese Premier Wen to Visit Myanmar, Sources Say,” Reuters, December 13, 2011 (online at reuters.com).
Tin Maung Maung Than, “Myanmar in 2013: At the Halfway Mark,” Asian Survey, January/February 2014, p. 25.
Thomas Fuller, “Resentment of China Spreading in Myanmar,” New York Times, May 19, 2014 (online at nyt.com).
Adam Pasick, “China’s Cancelled Burma Railway Is Its Latest Derailment in Southeast Asia,” Quartz, July 25, 2014 (online at qz.com). However, it was not certain if the project were to be cancelled; some opined that it might be put back on track and the disagreement was mainly over the memorandum of understanding that started the negotiations. See
Yun Sen, “China, Myanmar: Stop That Train,” Asia Times, August 14, 2014 (online at atimes.com).
Josh Gerstein, “Barack Obama returns to Myanmar amid Fading Reform Hopes,” Politico, November 12, 2014 (online at politico.com).
Thomas Fitzsimmons, Cambodia: Its People, Its Society, Its Culture (New Haven, CT: HRAF Press, 1959), p. 235, cited in Copper, China’s Foreign Aid, p. 46.
Alain-Gerard Marsot, “China’s Aid to Cambodia,” Pacific Affairs, Summer 1969, pp. 190–92.
See Bartke, China’s Economic Aid, p. 96. The author cites the smaller amount, quoting from Dr. Krug (ed.), Handbook der ntwicklungshife, Nomos Baden-Baden. “Communist China’s Economic Aid to Other Countries,” U.S. State Department, Intelligence Information Brief #375, February 20, 1951 provides the other figure.
A plywood factory built with Chinese aid failed to produce a useable product due to poor glue. See P. H. M. Jones, “Cambodia’s New Factories,” Far Eastern Economic Review, May 9, 1963, cited in Copper, China’s Foreign Aid, p. 47
La Monde, September 13, 1975, cited in Copper, China’s Foreign Aid, p. 151. Also see David P. Chandler, Brother Number One: A Political Biography of Pol Pot (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1992), p. 111.
Robert G. Sutter, Chinese Foreign Policy after the Cultural Revolution, 1966–1977 (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1987), pp. 56–57.
Karl D. Jackson, “Cambodia 1977: Gone to Pot,” Asian Survey, January 1978, p. 86.
Nayan Chanda, “Cambodia’s Cry for Help,” Far Eastern Economic Review, August 11, 1978, p. 13, cited in Copper, China’s Foreign Aid in 1978, p. 13.
Nayan Chanda, “A Dry Season Infiltration,” Far Eastern Economic Review, November 3, 1978, p. 15 and CBS News, November 9, 1978, both cited in Copper, China’s Foreign Aid in 1978, p. 14.
National Review, April 13, 1979, p. 466, cited in Copper, China’s Foreign Aid in 1979–80, p. 10. According to one writer, it made it possible for them to eventually oust the Vietnamese occupation a decade later. See Michael Vickery, Cambodia, 1975–1982 (Boston, MA: South End Press, 1984), p. 247.
See Michael Lifer, “Kampuchea in 1980: The Politics of Attrition,” Asian Survey, 1981, p. 94, and
Timothy Carney, “Kampuchea in 1981: Fragile Stalemate,” Asian Survey, January 1982, p. 89.
See Justus M. Van der Kroef, “Cambodia in 1990: The Elusive Peace” Asian Survey, January 1991 p. 101, and
Fredrick Z. Brown, “Cambodia in 1991: An Uncertain Peace,” Asian Survey, January 1992, pp. 88–96.
Pierre P. Laze, “Cambodia in 1996: Of Tigers, Crocodiles, and Doves,” Asian Survey, January 1997, pp. 70–71. New aid donations were not provided or were not announced, save a $1 million “package” of military aid in 1996.
Judy Lidgerwood and Kheang Un, “Cambodia in 2002: Decentralization and Its Effects on Party Politics, Asian Survey, January/February 2003, p.119.
Lyall Breckon, “China Caps a Year of Gains,” Comparative Connections, January 2003, cited in Sutter, Chinese Foreign Relations, p. 269.
Ibid, p. 161. David Fullbrook, “Chinas Growing influence in Cambodia,” Asia Times, October 6, 2006 (online at atimes.com).
Thomas Lum, Christopher M. Blanchard, Nicolas Cook, Kerry Tombaugh, Susan B. Epstein, Shirley A. Kan, Michael F. Martin, Wayne M. Morrison, Dick Nanto, Jim Nichol, Jeremy M. Sharp, Mark P. Sullivan, and Bruce Vaughn and Thomas Coipuram Jr. “Comparing Global Influence: China’s and U.S. Diplomacy, Foreign Aid, Trade, and Investment in the Developing World,” Congressional Research Service, August 15, 2008, p. 38.
David Fullbrook, “China’s Growing Influence in Cambodia,” Asia Times, October 6, 2006 (online at atimes.com).
William R. Liddle and Saiful Mujani, “Cambodia in 2005: A New Multiparty Presidential Democracy,” Asian Survey, January/February 2006, p. 161.
Caroline Hughes, “Cambodia in 2007: Development and Dispossession,” Asian Survey, January/February 2008, p. 72.
Brendan Brady, “Deported Uighurs Highlight China’s Ties to Cambodia,” World Politics Review, January 4, 2010 (online at worldpoliticsreview.com).
Officials in both China and Cambodia denied there was any connection between the aid and the expulsion of the Uighurs. Others saw a connection since the aid followed within days. See Robert Carmichael, “Cambodia Wins Chinese Military Aid,” Australian Network News, January 3, 2010 (online at australiannetworknews.com).
David Chandler, “Cambodia in 2009: Plus C’est la meme Chose,” Asian Survey, January/February 2010, p. 228.
V. Cheth, “Cambodia Aims for 6 Percent Growth with Donor Help,” WorldPress.com, June 1, 2010 (online at www.worldpress.com).
Joshua Kurlantzick, “South China Sea: From Bad to Worse,” Expert Brief (Council on Foreign Relations), July 24, 2012 (online at cfr.org).
Huang Jinging, “Foreign Aid Triggers Controversy,” The 4th Media, December 5, 2011 (online at 4thmedia.org).
Prak Chan Thul and Martin Petty, “Analysis: China’s Sway over Cambodia Tests Southeast Asian Unity,” Chicago Tribune, August 12, 2010 (online at chicagotribune.com).
Zsombar Peter and Khuon Narim, “China Gives 523m, Thanks Cambodia for ASEAN Help,” Cambodia Daily, April 2, 2012 cited in
Kheang Un, “Cambodia in 2012: Beyond the Crossroads?” Asian Survey, January/February 2013, p. 148.
Phoak Kung, “Cambodia-China Relations: Overcoming the Trust Deficit,” The Diplomat, October 7, 2014 (online at thediplomat.org).
Geoffrey C. Gunn, “Laos in 1990: Winds of Change,” Asian Survey, January 1991, pp. 91–92. China’s economic help to Laos at this time was not specified whether it was aid or investments; it was probably both. It is also worth noting that relations had begun to change in 1988, though 1990 seems to have been a turning point—though it was influenced by a change in Sino-Vietnamese relations.
Stephen T. Johnson, “Laos in 1992: Succession and Consolidation,” Asian Survey, January 1993, p. 81.
Yves Bourdet, “Laos in 1997: Into ASEAN,” Asian Survey, 1994, p. 79.
Yves Bourdet, “Laos in 2000: The Economics of Political Immobilism,” Asian Survey, January/February 2001, p. 169.
“China, Laos Cooperation Set to Further Prosper: Lao Official,” Xinhua News Agency, May 12, 2002, cited in Ian Storey, “China and Vietnam’s Tug of War over Laos,” China Brief (Jamestown Foundation), June 7, 2005.
Qian Xiaofeng, “China’s Aid Flows Downstream to Laos,” IPS Asia-Pacific/Probe Media Foundation, (online at newsmekong.org/china_s_aid_flows_downstream_to_laos). The copyright date is 2005; no month or date is given.
Joshua Kurlantzick, “China’s Charm: Implications of Chinese Soft Power,” Carnegie Endowment Policy Brief No. 47 (June 2006).
Lyell Beckon, “China Caps a Year of Gains,” Comparative Connections, January 2003, cited in Sutter, Chinese Foreign Relations, p. 269.
Geoffrey C. Gunn, “Laos in 2006: Changing of the Guard,” Asian Survey, January/February 2007, p. 187
Geoffrey C. Gunn, “Laos in 2007: Regional Integration and International Fallout,” Asian Survey, January/February 2008, p. 66.
Kristina Jonsson, “Laos in 2008: Hydropower and Flooding (or Business as Usual),” Asian Survey, January/February 2009, pp. 203–4.
Simon Creak, “China—the Largest Foreign Investor in Laos,” New Mandala, July 20, 2010.
Prak Chan Thul and Martin Petty, “Analysis: China’s Sway over Cambodia Tests Southeast Asian Unity,” Chicago Tribune, August 12, 2012. According to another source China was financing 70 percent of the rail project and that construction was to begin in the spring of 2012 but had been delayed. This line, incidentally, will eventually link Laos to 28 other countries including countries in Europe. See
Ore Huiying, “Trans-Asian Railway Unlocks Lao Borders,” Common Language Project, August 7, 2012 (online at clpmag.org).
Brendan M. Howe, “Laos in 2012: Growth, Challenges, and Human Security,” Asian Survey, January/February 2013, p. 153 and p. 155.
In fact, China early on split the nations of Southeast Asia into two groups: friends and enemies. It considered the latter, including the Philippines, targets for supporting wars of national liberation. See Peter VanNess, Revolution and Chinese Foreign Policy: Peking’s Support for Wars of National Liberation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1970), p. 135.
A. Doak Barnett, Communist China and Asia: A Challenge to the United States (New York: Vintage Books, 1960), p. 204. This law affected almost exclusively local Chinese. According to the law their property was liquidated upon the owner’s death.
Renate Cruz De Castro, “China, the Philippines, and U.S. Influence in Asia,” Asian Outlook, July 2007, p. 2. According to another source, Zhou Enlai did promise the Philippine government to cease its aid to the Partido Kommunistaang Pilipinas insurgents. See
Poon Kim, “China and the ASEAN States: From Hostility to Rapprochement,” in Chun-tu Hsueh (ed.), China’s Foreign Relations: New Perspectives (New York: Praeger, 1982), p. 78.
Robert L. Youngblood, “The Philippines in 1981: From ‘New Society’ to ‘New Republic,’” Asian Survey, January 1982, p. 233.
David G. Timberman, “The Philippines in 1989: A Good Year Turns Sour,” Asian Survey, January 1990, p. 173.
Alice D. Ba, (Re)Negotiating East and Southeast Asia (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2009), p. 91.
Carolina G. Hernandez, “The Philippines in 1995: Growth Amid Challenges,” Asian Survey, January 1996, p. 149
Zhang Haibing, “China’s Aid to Southeast Asia,” in Saw Swee-Hock (ed.), ASEAN-China Economic Relations (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2007), p. 257.
Renate Cruz De Castro, “The Limits of Twenty-First Century Chinese Soft-Power Statecraft in Southeast Asia: The Case of the Philippines,” Issues and Studies, December 2007, p. 78. Zhang, “China’s Aid to Southeast Asia,” puts the value of the railroad at $500 million. Another source states that the agreement on the railroad was made the previous year and was for $503 million with the Philippine government providing $107 million. See
Carlos H. Aquino Jr. and Josephine Jensen-Joson, “China’s Official Development to the Philippine: A Briefing Paper,” Official Development Assistance Watch—Philippines, December 2009, p. 22.
Raise Robles, “China Will Be Biggest Lender to Philippines: New Deal Puts Beijing Ahead of Tokyo in Loans for the First Time,” South China Morning Post, January 14, 2007, pp. 1–2.
De Castro, “The Limits of Twenty-first Century Chinese Soft-Power,” pp. 99–112. For details on deteriorating relations between the Philippines and Taiwan, see Joshua Kurlantzick, Charm Offensive: How China’s Soft Power Is Transforming the World (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), pp. 144–45. The author attributes part of the reason to the Chen administration’s promoting local nationalism that alienated the Chinese community in the Philippines.
Renato Cruz de Castro, “The Philippines in 2011: Muddling through a Year of Learning and Adjustment,” Asian Survey, January/February 2012, p. 210.
Roel R. Landingin, “ODA Surge Sparks Scandals for Arroyo, Debt Woes for RP,” The Philippine ODA Trail, March 30, 2008 (online at http://pcij.org/philippineodatrail/?p= 1)
Paolo G. Monticello, “NorthRail Delayed Anew,” Philippine Daily Inquirer, February 27, 2012 (online at business.inquirer.net).
Paolo G. Monticello, “Gov’t Eyes Other Financiers for Northrail Project,” Philippine Daily Inquirer, April 6, 2012 (online at business.inquirer.net).
Mick Basa, “Northrail Project up for NEDA-ICC Approval Soon,” Rappler, August 21, 2014 (online at rappler.com).
David Mozingo, Chinese Policy toward Indonesia, 1949–1967 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1976), p. 115 and 157. Later, in 1966, a treaty was signed between the two countries allowing for dual citizenship, temporarily resolving the matter.
Colin Garrett, “China as a Foreign Aid Donor,” Far Eastern Economic Review, January 19, 1961, cited in Copper, China’s Foreign Aid, p. 51.
Harold C. Hinton, Communist China in World Politics (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1966), pp. 486–88.
Copper, China’s Foreign Aid, pp. 52–53. Also, see Donald Hindley, “Foreign Aid to Indonesia and Its Political Implication,” Pacific Affairs, Summer 1963, pp. 107–19. For details on the Chinese aid projects in Indonesia, see Bartke, China’s Economic Aid, p. 123.
Donald E. Weatherbee, “Indonesia in 1985: Chills and Thaws,” Asian Survey, January 1986, p. 147.
Donald K. Emmerson “Indonesia in 1990: A Foreshadow Play,” Asian Survey, January 1991, p. 180.
Richard Stubbs, Rethinking Asia’s Economic Miracle (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), p. 203.
Henry Kissinger, Does America Need a Foreign Policy? Toward a Diplomacy for the 21st Century (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2001), p. 225. Kissinger also notes that the Clinton administration did not act on the accusations of Indonesians giving him illegal campaign contributions.
Antoine So, “Tang: $3 Billion Aid Package to Jakarta Will Go Ahead,” Hong Kong Standard, August 4, 1998 (FBIS Document ID FTS 19980808000017).
Michael S. Malley, “Indonesia in 2002: The Rising Cost of Inaction,” Asian Survey, January 2003, p. 145. It is worth noting that shortly after this Indonesia cancelled a planned visit by Taiwan’s president Chen Shui-bian.
Prashanth Parameswaran, “The Limits to Sino-Indonesian Relations,” China Brief, April 12, 2012 (online atjamestown.org).
Helen Brown, “Indonesia, China Mend South China Sea Relations,” ABC news, August 11, 2012 (online at abc.net.au).
Geoffrey C. Gunn, “Indonesia in 2013: Oligarchs, Political Tribes, and Populists,” Asian Survey, January/February 2014, pp. 54–54.
Prashanth Parameswaran, “China and Indonesia under Jokowi: Show Me the Money,” The Diplomat, January 28, 2015 (online at thediplomat.org).
See James Dunn, East Timor: A Rough Passage to Independence (Double Bay, Australia: Longueville Books, 2003), pp. 92–93.
Loro Horta, “Timor-Leste: The Dragons Newest Friend,” Discussion Paper #4 2009, Research Institute on Contemporary Southeast Asia (online at irasec.com).
Ian Storey, “China and East Timor: Good, But Not Best Friends,” China Brief, August 15, 2006, p. 1 (online at jamestownfoundation.org).
Ian Storey, “China’s Inroads into East Timor,” China Brief, March 18, 2009, p. 1 (online at Jamestown.org).
China felt that any such organization it joined would be controlled by the United States and it would play a secondary role to Japan. Historically China did not have an interest in this kind of diplomacy. See Martin Jacques, When China Rules the World. The End of the Western World and the Birth of a New World Order (New York: Penguin, 2012), p. 276.
See Wang Yuzhu, “China-ASEAN Relationship: An Offer-Response Analysis,” in Gungwu Wang and Yongnian Zheng (eds.), China: Development and Governance (Singapore: World Scientific, 2012), pp. 435–45.
Nathan and Scobell, China’s Search for Security (New York: Columbia University Press, 2013), p. 56.
Phusadee Arunmas, “ASEAN to Get $25bn Loan from China,” Bangkok Post, August 16, 2009 (online at bangkokpost.com).
Brian McCartan, “A Helping Chinese Hand,” Asian Times, April 30, 2009 (online at atimes.com).
For details, see Robert G. Sutter, China’s Rise in Asia: Promises and Perils (Lanham, MD: Rowman-Littlefield, 2005), pp. 182–83.
Chen Ran, “Toward Fairness,” Beijing Review, January 21, 2010, p. 10. CAFTA promised to expand members’ economic growth prospects significantly and the region’s global clout. Trade between China and the ASEAN countries had been growing at a rate of 15 percent annually since around 1990 and 20 percent annually from 2003 and would undoubtedly grow at an even faster rate in the future. Also see
Le Tian, “China, ASEAN Sign Trade Agreement,” China Daily, January 15, 2007 (online at chinadaily.com.cn) and “Cashing in on Free Trade,” Beijing Review, January 21, 2010, p. 13. In conjunction with reaching this watershed agreement China launched the China-ASEAN business portal website and opened the Qinzhou Free Trade Port Area and the Nanning Bonded Logistics Center in Guangxi. The Chinese government also announced 18 joint projects worth a total of $4.89 billion. See Ran, “Toward Fairness,” p. 10.
Shannon Tiezzi, “China Offers $20 Billion in Loans to ASEAN,” The Diplomat, November 15, 2014 (online at thediplomat.org).
In the case of China’s “investments” in Southeast Asia, it has officially pledged a total figure that is way below the total if individual cases are added up. This must mean that China considers a lot of its “investments” to be foreign aid or considers the distinction as not meaningful. See Alfred Romman, “Greater Heights for China-ASEAN Ties,” China Daily, January 16, 2013 (online at chinadaily.com).
For a list of China’s goals and its successes and setbacks as it relates to the 1990s and beyond, see Quansheng Zhao, “China’s Foreign Policy in the Post-Cold War Era,” in Guoli Liu (ed.), Chinese Foreign Policy in Transition (New York: Aldine de Gruyter, 2004) pp. 308–11.
Joshua Kurlantzick, “China’s Charm: Implications of China’s Soft Power,” Policy Brief (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace), No. 47, 2006, p.3.
See Zhang Yunling, East Asian Regionalism and China (Beijing: World Affairs Press, 2005), pp. 31–32.
Wang Ynzhong, “Chinese Values, Governance, and International Relations: Historical Development and Present Situation,” in Han Sung-joy (ed.), Changing Values Asia: Their Impact on Governance and Development (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1999), p. 19. Of course, one of the reasons China did not devalue was because of pleading and pressure by the United States and the fact the United States was a huge market for China and Chinese leaders did not want to disrupt this situation.
David C. Kang, China Rising: Peace, Power, and Order in East Asia (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007), p. 131.
Michael D. Swaine, “China’s Regional Military Posture,”in David Shambaugh (ed.), Power Shift China and Asia’s New Dynamics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), p. 179.
See Danny Unger, “A Regional Economic Order in East and Southeast Asia,” in Quansheng Zhao (ed.), Future Trends in East Asian International Relations (London: Frank Cass, 2002), p. 182.
Hongying Wang, “Dangers and Opportunities: The Implications of the Asian Financial Crisis for China,” in Gregory W Noble and John Ravenhill (eds.), The Asian Financial Crisis and the Architecture of Global Finance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), p. 154.
See Thomas J. Christensen, The China Challenge: Shaping the Choices of a Rising Power (New York: Norton and Company, 2015), p. 18. In 2014, trade between China and both Vietnam and the Philippines increased markedly, in the rate of more than 10 percent. See also “Territorial Dispute in S China Sea Has Little Effect on Trade between Claimants,” Want China Times, February 6, 2015 (online at wantchinatimes.com).
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© 2016 John F. Copper
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Copper, J.F. (2016). China’s Foreign Aid and Investment Diplomacy in Southeast Asia. In: China’s Foreign Aid and Investment Diplomacy, Volume II. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137532725_1
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137532725_1
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