Abstract
There is very little theoretically and normatively informed empirical research that seeks to juxtapose studies of national contestation with other, non-national, perspectives. This collection does so by juxtaposing analyses of Canada and Europe (the EU, member and closely affiliated non-member states). It focuses on contestations over nationalism, with transnational nationalism and new nationalism reflecting contestations within the ambit of nationalism, and cosmopolitanism as contestation about nationalism. Together, they make up the book’s themes on contestations over nationalism. Clarifying the terms of contestation—is it still about nationalism, or is it about factors and phenomena that should be more suitably labelled under other categories of social identification and co-existence—is important in order to understand the nature of our contemporary societies and, not least, how they deal with diversity.
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Notes
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- 2.
The classical doctrine of sovereignty states that: “first, no one can be the subject of more than one sovereign; second, only one sovereign power can prevail within a territory; third, all citizens possess the same status and rights; and fourth, the bond between citizen and sovereign excludes the alien”. The international system of states is marked by anarchy in the sense that sovereign states do not recognise any superior authority (Bull 1977; Linklater 1996, 1998; Morgenthau 1993; Waltz 1979).
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There are different views as to how “thick” this sense of community and belonging is and from where it is derived. A widely accepted distinction is between the civic and ethnic nation. See Hutchinson and Smith (2000).
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In all nation-states, there is a whole gamut of mechanisms and symbols that serve to remind us constantly that we are living in a national place and in a world of nations; and “this reminding is so familiar, so continual, that it is not consciously registered as reminding” (Billig 1995: 8).
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For an incisive account, see, in particular, Scott (1998).
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That no doubt is related to the strong role of moral cosmopolitanism in contemporary scholarship. Some analysts also argue that this strong role has stymied the development of a more realistic political cosmopolitanism.
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For an overview of the strength and government participation of radical right-wing parties across Europe , see Minkenberg (2013).
- 11.
There are different forms of right-wing populism, because this phenomenon is influenced by different national contexts—places and spaces. Some right-wing populist parties—for example in the Nordic countries—accept LGBT . Relations to the welfare state is an important marker—as long as there is no transnational alternative to the welfare state—and people may naturally defend the national welfare state, the so-called welfare nationalism.
- 12.
He notes that the ideas underpinning integralism “form the basis of a distinctive intellectual and cultural movement in European history … the ‘Counter-Enlightenment’, which assumed its most sophisticated manifestation within the artistic triumphs of romanticism and most malevolent expression in the politics of fascism” (2000: 8).
- 13.
John B. Judis (2016) usefully notes that left-wing populism is dyadic, pitting people against the élite , and differs from right-wing populism because the latter is triadic—it includes an out-group (such as immigrants).
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Fossum, J.E., Kastoryano, R., Siim, B. (2018). Introduction: Negotiating Territoriality and Nationalism. In: Fossum, J., Kastoryano, R., Siim, B. (eds) Diversity and Contestations over Nationalism in Europe and Canada. Palgrave Studies in European Political Sociology. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-58987-3_1
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