Abstract
Albertina Carri’s Los rubios has inspired abundant—and radically differing—interpretations among critics since its debut in 2003. Although generationally or thematically linked to other directors and their films—Andrés Habegger’s (h)Historias cotidianas (2000), María Inés Roqué’s Papá Iván (2000), Marcelo Piñeyro’s Kamchatka (2002), and Nicolás Prividera’s M (2007)—Carri carved out Los rubios’s singular impact aesthetically and politically both at home and abroad almost instantly. At the rudimentary thematic level, Carri—as a child of the disappeared political dissidents Roberto Carri and Ana María Caruso—sets out to crystalize mnemonically her own adult ties to the Carris’ lives before and during Argentine state terror (1976–1983). Yet, as has already been traced by several critics, Carri’s film ultimately destabilizes such a possibility. Los rubios does so by staging the impossibility of “the reassuring certainties of the archival image” in regards to the filmmaker’s personal attempts at revisiting, re-narrating, and recapturing her parents’ dissident subjectivities, activism, and ideological closeness to the chief Peronist guerilla group known as montoneros.
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- 1.
The Carris disappeared on 24 February 1977. Throughout this analysis, I consistently use the full names of the filmmaker and Roberto Carri whenever needed to distinguish between the two family members.
- 2.
See Jordana Blejmar, Playful Memories: The Autofictional Turn in Post-Dictatorship Argentina (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016); Cecilia Sosa, Queering Acts of Mourning in the Aftermath of Argentina’s Dictatorship: The Performances of Blood (Woodbridge: Tamesis, 2014); and Joanna Page, Crisis and Capitalism in Argentine Cinema (Durham: Duke University Press, 2009), to mention just a few.
- 3.
Jens Andermann , New Argentine Cinema (London: I.B. Tauris, 2012), 116.
- 4.
Joanna Page, “Memory and Mediation in Los rubios: A Contemporary Perspective on the Argentine Dictatorship,” New Cinemas 33, no. 1 (2005b): 30.
- 5.
David J. Bolter and Richard Grusin, Remediation: Understanding New Media (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1999), 32–33.
- 6.
Astrid Erll and Ann Rigney, eds., Mediation, Remediation, and the Dynamics of Cultural Memory (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2009), 4.
- 7.
Ibid., 7.
- 8.
Massumi , Politics of Affect, 5.
- 9.
See Verónica Garibotto and Antonio Gómez, “Más allá del ‘formato memoria’: la repostulación del imaginario postdictatorial en Los rubios de Albertina Carri,” AContracorriente 3, no. 2 (2006): 112.
- 10.
The implication here echoes much less Hirsch’s important and insightful notion of “postmemory” in the context of the Holocaust than it does Aguilar’s recent discussion on socio-individual memory in Más allá del pueblo. Imágenes, indicios y políticas del cine. Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2015. In “Project Memory: Holocaust Photographs in Personal and Public Fantasy,” in Acts of Memory: Cultural Recall in the Present, eds., Mieke Bal, Jonathan Crewe, and Leo Spitzer (Hanover: University Press of New England, 1999), Hirsch defines “postmemory” as “the relationship of children of survivors of cultural or collective trauma to the experiences of their parents, experiences that they ‘remember’ only as the stories and images with which they grew up, but that are so powerful, so monumental, as to constitute memories in their own right” (8). More relevant to Los rubios (as well as to other films with similar aesthetic and subjective relationships to the permanently lingering family void) is Aguilar’s observation. According to Aguilar’s Más allá, the “… aparición de Los rubios y de M más que, ante nuestra Mirada, los primeros documentales realizados sobre la militancia de los años setenta aparezcan bajo una nueva luz y revelen que aquello que pretendía ser una evocación natural y espontánea deba ser observado como otra construcción artificial para dominar la memoria y presentarla, tocsamente, como pasado” (“… debut of Los rubios and M more than anything, before our Gaze , the first documentaries about the 1970s militancy, which had appeared under a new light and reveal that what sought to be a natural and spontaneous evocation might need to be observed as another artificial construction in order to dominate memory and present it roughly as past”) (103). Aguilar, furthermore, holds that “Los rubios es el único que cuestiona el régimen ético del arte con las herramientas del régimen estético” (“Los rubios is the sole film that questions the ethic regimen of art with the aesthetic regimen’s tools”) (158). In relating his remarks to this chapter’s argument, I note that Los rubios’s hypermediacy indeed subtly draws attention to the intimacy between the ongoing makings of cultural memory and certain political and social forces that might inform, influence, or (un)intentionally distort such makings.
- 11.
Jan Assmann , “Communicative and Cultural Memory,” in A Companion to Cultural Memory Studies, eds. Astrid Erll and Ansgar Nünning (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2010), 114.
- 12.
Roberto Carri , Obra Completa de Roberto Carri Tomo 1 y Tomo 2 (Buenos Aires: Biblioteca Nacional, 2015), 11–69.
- 13.
See María Moreno, “El libro de ésta,” Las 12, March 23, 2007, https://www.pagina12.com.ar/diario/suplementos/las12/13-3254-2007-03-25.html. Last accessed 23 March 2013.
- 14.
The filmmaker’s insistence on her inability to embody cinematically much of who the Carris were in the past as people, intellectuals, or parents in any holistic way is indeed covertly referring to the threat of fossilized anesthetization of remembrance. Such a kind of remembrance, which is usually imposed, threatens to homogenize the “archive of the present,” as referred to in Derrida’s work and subsequently discussed in this chapter. This is the same present that the filmmaker experiences subjectively, must negotiate ideologically, and engages with aesthetically.
- 15.
- 16.
Beatriz Sarlo’s Tiempo Pasado. Cultura de la memoria y giro subjetivo. Una discusión (Buenos Aires: Siglo XXI, 2005), on the generation that directly encompasses Carri’s parents, underscores the inter- and cross-generational divide separating the repressive political systems in the 1960s and 1970s and mnemonic encounters with the past at the outset of the new millennium. Sarlo explains that Carri’s parents’ contemporaries generally engage with their political past as “una corrección decidida de la memoria, no una trabajosa reconstrucción tentativa, sino una certeza compacta, que necesitó de esa solidez porque la historia difundida entre los hijos debía ser un instrumento ideológico y cultural de la política en los años sesenta y primera mitad de los setenta” (“a decided correction of memory , not a tentative and ambitious reconstruction, but rather a compact certainty, which needed to be firm because the shared history among the children had to be an ideological, cultural, and political instrument in the 1960s and the first half of the 1970s”) (145).
- 17.
See Ben Bollig and Fernando Sdrigotti, “Argentina’s Presidential Elections,” Journal of Latin American Cultural Studies 25, no. 1 (2016): 1–6.
- 18.
See Bill Nichols , Introduction to Documentary (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2010), 7.
- 19.
Prior to Los rubios, Carri had already used toys in her cinematic productions (Barbie también puede eStar triste (2000)). See Jordana Blejmar, “Toying with History: Playful Memory in Albertina Carri’s Los rubios,” Journal of Romance Studies 13, no. 3 (2013): 44–61. According to Blejmar, Playmobil and “playful memories” in Los rubios ultimately “result in playbacks, repetitions or reproductions of the past that are of dubious use for the cultural transmission of trauma” (46).
- 20.
On the discussion of the filmmaker’s “split” narrative, see María Belén Ciancio, “Labyrinths and Lines of Memory in Documentary Film: Memoria del saqueo and Los rubios from a Philosophical Perspective,” Latin American Perspectives 40, no. 188 (2012): 107.
- 21.
Lawrence Grossberg , “Affect’s Future: Rediscovering the Virtual in the Actual,” in The Affect Theory Reader, eds. Melissa Gregg and Gregory J. Seigworth (Durham: Duke University Press, 2010), 312.
- 22.
See Sergei Eisenstein’s “Beyond the Shot,” in Selected Works, Vol. 1: Writings 1922–1934, ed. Richard Taylor (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988), 144.
- 23.
Martín Kohan, “La apariencia celebrada,” Punto de vista 27, no. 78 (2004): 29.
- 24.
Massumi , Politics of Affect, 15.
- 25.
This sequence could be juxtaposed with the DNA-testing sequence in which both Carri and Couceyro undergo the DNA sample processes. Garibotto and Gómez state that “… así como en Antropología Forense se juega y se destaca así el hueco de la ausencia, cualquier indicio material de la subjetividad paterna se sugiere, se delinea apenas y luego se deja bruscamente de lado” (“… just as in Forensic Anthropology where the void of absence is featured and underscored, any indication of material subjectivity is suggested, hardly outlined, and, subsequently, left aside abruptly” (117). Yet the intellectual work of Roberto Carri—as a concrete and palpable realness—extends this “indication” of subjectivity, albeit in an oblique way.
- 26.
The text reads as follows: “la masa … en este estado habitual de dispersión” (“the people/mob … in this state of habitual dispersion”). See Gabriela Nouzeilles, “Postmemory Cinema and the Future of the Past in Albertina Carri’s Los rubios,” Journal of Latin American Cultural Studies 14, no. 3 (2005): 272.
- 27.
The quoted text in the film finally zooms in on an affective state that also brews the potential for a revolutionary rebellion: “el agravio y la injusticia van acumulando rencores y elevando el tono de su [el del pueblo] vida afectiva” (“grievance and injustice go on accumulating anger and elevating the tone of its [the people’s] affective life”).
- 28.
See Nouzeilles, “Postmemory Cinema,” 272.
- 29.
See Roberto Carri , Isidro Velázquez. Formas prerevolucionarias de la violencia (Buenos Aires: Colihue, 2001).
- 30.
See endnote 13 of this chapter.
- 31.
According to Aguilar in Más allá del pueblo, “A diferencia de los documentales de evocación de los años setenta que se habían hecho anteriormente, Los rubios introdujo toda una serie de procedimientos estéticos que tuvo como fin mostrar la complejidad de la memoria y la insuficiencia de querer activarla a partir de un género que se había cristalizado en el uso informativo del videograph, en imágenes de archivo y en entrevistas” (“Unlike the documentaries that evoke the seventies and what had been done in the past, Los rubios introduced an entire series of aesthetic procedures with an objective to demonstrate the complexity of memory and insufficiency upon wanting to activate it through a genre that had crystalized the informative usage of video-graph, archival images, and interviews”), 102.
- 32.
Nouzeilles, “Postmemory Cinema,” 272.
- 33.
Giorgio Agamben, The Coming Community (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1993a), 36 (emphasis in original).
- 34.
Jacques Derrida , Copy, Archive, Signature: A Conversation on Photography, trans. Jeff Fort (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2010), 15.
- 35.
This short film revisits the censorship-based mechanisms aimed toward militant cinema from the 1960s and 1970s in Argentina. It was part of “25 Miradas, 200 Minutos,” a bicentenary commemoration project in collaboration with the Universidad Nacional de Tres de Febrero. In Restos we hear the following: “[A]cumular imágenes es una forma de la memoria. Volverlas disponibles es necesario para desbrozar la huella por la que seguir andando” (“[T]o accumulate images is one form of memory. To make them available anew is necessary in order to clear the path through which one keeps on moving”). Seven years after the debut of Los rubios, Carri insists on socio-individual memory as an intrinsically controversial arena among different generations that continue to look back at the most recent Argentine repressive systems of governance.
- 36.
This aesthetic work begins with a remediated copy of INCAA’s rejection letter, which refused to validate the aesthetic worthiness and political relevance of Los rubios.
- 37.
Albertina Carri, Los rubios: cartografía de una película (Buenos Aires: Ediciones Gráficas Especiales, 2007), 85.
- 38.
See Carri, Los rubios: cartografía, 16.
- 39.
See Belén Ciancio, “Labyrinths and Lines of Memory in Documentary Film: Memoria del saqueo and Los rubios,” 107.
- 40.
See María Moreno, “El libro de ésta,” Las 12, March 23, 2007, https://www.pagina12.com.ar/diario/suplementos/las12/13-3254-2007-03-25.html. Last accessed 23 March 2013.
- 41.
Carri, Los rubios: cartografía, 88, 90, 97, and 100. “[P]or un tiempo no vamos a poder hablar por teléfono” (88); “Por aquí todo sigue igual. Con algunas posibilidades de comunicación con uds, pero no hay que hacerse ilusiones porque en cualquier momento se pueden volver a cortar” (90); “Por favor no manden las cartas por correo vayan a buscarlas personalmente porque si se llegan a perder o pasa algo a nosotros nos perjudicaría mucho” (97); “También les mandé el señalador de Alber porque no tiene sentido que lo tenga aquí porque alguien lo puede ver y como no saben que nosotros nos comunicamos con ustedes puede haber problemas así que prefiero no tenerlo” (100). (“[F]or a while we are not going to speak on the phone” (88); “Everything is the same here. With some possibilities of communicating with you all, but we should not get too carried away because such possibilities could vanish quickly” (90); “Please do not send letters via mail go look for them personally because if they end up lost or if something happens it will hurt us a lot” (97); “Also I sent back the bookmark from Alber [Albertina] because it makes no sense to have it here because someone could see it and since they do not know we are in touch with you all sorts of problems can emerge, so I prefer not having it” (100)).
- 42.
See Erica Miller Yozell, “Re-Mapping the Argentine Post-Dictatorship Narratives in Albertina Carri’s Los rubios,” Latin American Literary Review 39, no. 77 (2011): 51.
- 43.
Valeria Wagner, “Unhostly Historical Discourses in Ariel Dorfman’s Heading South, Looking North: A Bilingual Journey and Albertina Carri’s film The Blonds,” Discourse: Journal for Theoretical Studies in Media & Culture 27, no. 2 & 3 (2005): 155.
- 44.
Astrid Erll, “Literature, Film, and Mediality of Cultural Memory,” in A Companion to Cultural Memory Studies, eds., Astrid Erll and Ansgar Nünning (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2010), 396.
- 45.
In paraphrasing Siegfried Schmidt, Erll and Rigney state “that ‘media’ of all sorts—spoken language, letters, books, photos, films—also provide frameworks for shaping both experience and memory. They do so in at least two, interconnected ways: as instruments of sense-making, they mediate between the individual and the world; as agents of networking, they mediate between individuals and groups” (1).
- 46.
Linda Williams, “Mirrors Without Memories: Truth, History, and the New Documentary,” Film Quarterly 3 (Spring 1993): 20.
- 47.
Laurence Mullaly, “Albertina Carri: cineasta de la incomodidad,” Cinémas d’Amérique Latine 20 (2012): 163–171.
- 48.
Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari , What Is Philosophy?, trans. Hugh Tomlinson and Graham Burchell (London: Verso, 1994), 168.
- 49.
Sosa , Queering Acts, 66.
- 50.
La ciénaga begins with an accident when Mecha falls and perilously cuts her chest, and it ends with another accidental yet lethal fall in Tali’s house. La niña santa is peppered with a few central accidents such as a non-fatal fall of a naked man during Amalia’s religion class.
- 51.
The first words we hear in the film are uttered by another indigenous boy and addressed to Aldo by another youngster: “You retard. You will get it when we come home.”
- 52.
The reference here deals with Los olvidados’s protagonist (Pedro) and his outrage over having been fired for a crime he did not commit. Pedro is subsequently brought from the streets of Mexico City to a correction school. Pedro’s unruly conduct ultimately leads to the school director’s desire to reinstall trust in Pedro, just as it reactivates the boy’s imminent future and imbues it with fatalism. As La mujer sin cabeza unfolds, there is another homage paid through the filming of a series of playful gestures made by a young boy who locks himself in Vero’s car right after the protagonist’s family gathering at the outset of the film. His hands touch the car windows from inside, thus leaving marks and further perplexing the viewers after Vero’s accident, but such a playful entrapment reminds us of another less playful entrapment that initiates Federico Fellini’s 8½ (1963). In both cases, the camera succeeds in creating a sensation of claustrophobia, frustration, and helplessness on the characters’ and spectators’ parts alike.
- 53.
Massumi , Politics of Affect, 54.
- 54.
Ibid., 54.
- 55.
Ibid., 54.
- 56.
This sequence shows the protagonist engaged socially while also being affectionate to children who have locked her out of her own car. See Sosa , Queering Acts, 65–74.
- 57.
Massumi , Politics of Affect, 55.
- 58.
On the most basic argumentative level of this study, Scarry elucidates the ways torture tests the limits of language, thus showing how the link between body and expression deteriorates. Martel traces the possibility of dismissing outright any potentiality for Vero’s permanent affliction—not because her taciturn self radically alters throughout the film, but because the affect of the once-torturous site of memory fades away under deliberate familial pressure. See Elaine Scarry , The Body in Pain: The Making and Unmaking of the World (Oxford: Oxford Press, 1985).
- 59.
See Michel Chion , The Voice in Cinema, trans. and ed. Claudia Gorbman (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999), 5.
- 60.
Matt Losada, “Lucrecia Martel’s La mujer sin cabeza: Cinematic Free Indirect Discourse, Noise-Scape, and the Distraction of the Middle Class,” Romance Notes 50, no. 3 (2010): 309.
- 61.
Michel Foucault , History of Sexuality, Volume 2, trans. and ed., Robert Hurley (New York: Vintage Books, 1990), 14.
- 62.
Grossberg , “Affect’s Future,” 316.
- 63.
See Giorgio Agamben , Potentialities: Collected Essays in Philosophy, trans. Daniel Heller-Roazen (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999), 77.
- 64.
The social awkwardness increases as she realizes that making him a sandwich is impossible: they appear to be out of food in the household.
- 65.
She orders that he bring all flowerpots to her home only to realize that some of them were not meant to be unloaded. This error doubles the boy’s work and enhances his humiliation regardless of Vero’s original intent.
- 66.
See Bolivian Labor Immigrants’ Experiences in Argentina, ed. Cynthia Pizarro (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2015); Scott Whiteford, Workers from the North: Plantations, Bolivian Labor, and the City in Northwest Argentina (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2000), 117.
- 67.
In a recent interview, Martel commented on the “naturalized racism” that permeates the Argentine contemporary realities. The notion of this kind of encrusted racism serves as one of the thematic pillars for this film, but also for other feature films by Martel. See endnote 80 of this chapter.
- 68.
The indigenous protagonist’s hair is cut against her will for the benefit of the family’s traditional celebration.
- 69.
Martel’s La mujer sin cabeza stays imbued with violent elements in suggestive ways. These tensions regarding the obvious interethnic or intercultural cohabitations in this film come through incongruent personal efforts to remember a lived and violent act.
- 70.
See Immanuel Kant , Grounding for the Metaphysics of Morals, trans. James W. Ellington (Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, 1993).
- 71.
- 72.
Ibid., 393.
- 73.
Dianna Niebylski, “Music, Memory, and Lost Children in Lucrecia Martel’s Films” (talk, Harvard University/ACLA, March 17, 2016).
- 74.
Sosa, Queering Acts, Chap. 3.
- 75.
Massumi , Politics of Affect, 55.
- 76.
Ibid., 55.
- 77.
Candita’s mother openly expresses her disapproval of the girlfriend. At the same time, she also seeks the young woman’s help when Vero decides to drive back to the local nursery.
- 78.
While at the sports facility, Vero breaks down in the bathroom before a complete stranger. He buys her a bottle of water and consoles her rather awkwardly. The awkwardness seemingly stems from their class difference. It is an affective encounter, featuring the incompatibility of his attempts at comforting her and Vero’s inability to engage wholeheartedly with his empathy.
- 79.
Deborah Martin, The Cinema of Lucrecia Martel (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2016), 20.
- 80.
In Queering Acts, Sosa remarks: “The men of the family, a syndicate of patriarchal kinship, seem to know exactly how to take care of the ‘situation’” (70). According to this critic, such steps demonstrate Marcos’s intentions to divest the victim of human characteristics, especially as he insists that Vero see it as nothing much more than a road kill.
- 81.
See this interview with Martel available at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ti4Pi496TmM. Last accessed 11 May 2016.
- 82.
See Untimely Meditations, trans. R. J. Hollingdale (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 103–107.
- 83.
Nietzsche continues “… one would have to know exactly how great the plastic power of a man, of a people, a culture is: I mean by plastic power the capacity to develop out of oneself in one’s own way, to transform and incorporate into oneself what is past and foreign, to heal wounds, to replace what is lost, to recreate broken molds. There are people who possess so little of this power that they can perish from a single experience, from a single painful event … on the other hand, there are those who are so little affected by the worst and most dreadful disasters, and even by their own wicked acts, that they are able to feel tolerably well and be in possession of a kind of clear conscience even in the midst of them or at any rate very soon afterward” (62).
- 84.
Much has been written on the notion of rumination, yet I significantly draw from the discussions by Jeannette Smith and Lauren Alloy, “A Roadmap to Rumination: A Review of the Definition, Assessment, and Conceptualization of this Multifaceted Construct,” Clinical Psychology Review 29, no. 2 (2009): 1–30.
- 85.
Massumi , Politics of Affect, 93.
- 86.
Although not quite able to remember neatly Vero’s or Josefina’s current family affairs, the aunt potently reinforces the bourgeois status of the family. Although Lala is unable to recognize with certainty all wedding guests on the rolling video-recording, she does recognize rather energetically and boastingly a political delegation from the province by saying, “Bueno, bueno, bueno, los senadores de la provincia” (“Well, well, well, the state senators”). Vero and Josefina agree. This passing acknowledgment threatens to slide through unnoticed by the spectator, but, in fact, it clarifies with utmost subtlety the social status that the protagonist family holds within this diegetic community. This scene echoes a certain traditional way of existing. But Martel succeeds in subverting it through the character of Candita in the film, particularly when we think of Eviatar Zerubavel’s discussion on imitation and replication. According to Zerubavel, “much of what we call ‘tradition’ consists of various ritualized efforts to become more fully integrated into our collective past through imitation,” in Time Maps: Collective Memory and the Social Shape of the Past (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), 45. Candita comes across as the only character to imitate (models after the family adults), yet also to resist certain family ways. She imitates when she comments on the bad-smelling indigenous individual but resists “the tradition,” in Zeruvabel’s terms, when she conducts an erotic involvement with an indigenous young girl.
- 87.
Sosa , Queering Acts, 70.
- 88.
See Walter Benjamin , Selected Writings, Volume 2: 1927–1934, ed. Michael W. Jennings (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999), 597.
- 89.
Antonius Robben , Political Violence and Trauma in Argentina (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005), 278.
- 90.
Sosa , Queering Acts, Chap. 3.
- 91.
Sidonie Smith, “Cultures of Rescue and the Global Transit in Human Rights Narratives,” in Handbook of Human Rights, ed. Thomas Cushman (London: Routledge, 2012), 625–629.
- 92.
According to Smith, the phrase “cultures of rescue” is to be understood as “a productive phrase for thinking about questions of agency and commodification that trouble our understanding of the affect, efficacy, and ethics of narration in the context of the global regime of human rights” (629).
- 93.
Smith, “Cultures of Rescue,” 631.
- 94.
See Elizabeth Jelin, State Repression and the Labors of Memory(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2003); Hugo Vezzetti, Sobre la violencia revolucionaria: memorias y olvidos(Buenos Aires: Siglo XXI, 2009); and Cecilia Sosa, “Affect, memory, and the blue jumper: Queer langauges of loss in Argentina’s aftermath of violence.” Subjectivity 8 (2015): 358–381. https://doi.org/10.1057/sub.2015.14.
- 95.
Erll and Rigney, Mediation, 2.
- 96.
Andermann , New Argentine Cinema, xii and 156.
- 97.
See Meditations on Quixote, trans. Evelyn Rugg and Diego Marin (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1961), 57–58.
- 98.
Debates on President Juan Perón’s reasons for welcoming fugitives with a Nazi past take on different justifications. The works by Carlota Jackisch, Holger Meding, Heinz Schneppen, Uki Goñi, Ignacio Klich, and Gerald Steinacher are only a few that are relevant to such debates. See Steinacher, Nazis on the Run: How Hitler’s Henchmen Fled (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008). According to Steinacher, for instance, “Argentina was interested in German scientists and specialists after the collapse of the Third Reich” (211). He goes on to observe that “[f]or Perón, importing war criminals was not an official policy, but a tolerated fact. … Perón hoped to advance the modernization of the army and the industrialization of the country” (215). On the topic of cinematic representations of silence in repressive societies, it is interesting to point out that Puenzo’s father—Luis Puenzo—debuted The Official Story (1985) as a cinematic allegory of the Argentine state terror. The film similarly tackled what could be called implicit silence among certain citizens during many of the systematic campaigns of kidnappings, tortures, and killings of political dissidents during the military junta regime (1976–1983).
- 99.
Several aesthetic works are relevant to Puenzo’s Wakolda—that is, Franklin Schaffner’s The Boys from Brazil (1978) on Josef Mengele ; Carlos Echeverría’s Pact of Silence (2006) on Erich Priebke; and Frederick Forsyth’s 1972 novel The Odessa File; among many others. For more readings on the Nazis in Argentina, see Ignacio Klich, “The Nazis in Argentina: Deconstructing Some Myths,” Patterns of Prejudice 29, no. 4 (1995): 53–66; and Sobre nazis y nazismo: en la cultura argentina, ed. Ignacio Klich (Buenos Aires: Hispamérica, 2002). See also a more recent study by Daniel Feierstein, Genocide as Social Practice: Recognizing Society under the Nazis and Argentina’s Military Juntas (Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2014). The Argentine commission of historians—Comisión para el Esclarecimiento de las Actividades del Nacionalsocialismo en la Argentina (CEANA)—has worked on compiling close to 200 bibliographies on prominent war criminals, Nazis, and National Socialists from several European countries; these lists have yet to be completed.
- 100.
Michel de Certeau , The Practice of Everyday Life (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), xii.
- 101.
See María José Punte, “El retorno a los bosques encantados: infancia y monstruosidad en ficciones del sur,” Aisthesis 54 (2013): 293.
- 102.
See Thomas Keenan and Eyal Weizman, Mengele’s Skull: The Advent of a Forensic Aesthetics (Berlin: Sternberg Press, 2012).
- 103.
Keenan and Weizman, Mengele’s Skull, 14–15. In addition, Puenzo’s film gains a particularly palpable remedial quality with the doctor’s name, Gregor Helmut. This documented detail/footage of one of Mengele’s false identities is available at the International Committee of the Red Cross archive, as discussed in Steinacher, Nazis on the Run, xviii.
- 104.
Sosa , Queering Acts, 8.
- 105.
White argues that the most appropriate way “to represent the Holocaust and the experience of it may well be by a kind of ‘intransitive writing,’ which lays no claim to the kind of realism aspired to by nineteenth-century historians and writers. But we may want to consider that by intransitive writing we must intend something like the relationship to that event expressed in the middle voice. This is not to suggest that we will give up the effort to represent the Holocaust realistically, but rather that our notion of what constitutes realistic representation must be revised to take account of experiences that are unique to our century and for which modes of representation have proven inadequate” (52). See “Historical Emplotment and the Problem of Truth,” in Probing the Limits of Representation: Nazism and the “Final Solution,” ed. Saul Friedlander (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992), 37–53.
- 106.
Massumi , Politics of Affect, 51.
- 107.
Ibid., 54.
- 108.
Ibid., 51.
- 109.
See Steinacher, Nazis on the Run, where he studies this cultural manifestation (“German ethno-nationalism”) in the context of Italy, referring to the German-speaking population of the Alto Adige (South Tyrol), xviii–xix.
- 110.
See an interview with Mossad agent Rafi Eitan for a detailed recollection of the intended capture of Mengele in Keenan and Weizman, Mengele’s Skull, 9.
- 111.
Feierstein, Genocide, 6.
- 112.
Cathy Caruth, Unclaimed Experience: Trauma, Narrative, and History (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press , 1996), 5.
- 113.
Siegfried Kracauer, Theory of Film: Redemption and Physical Reality (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1997), 71.
- 114.
Dominick LaCapra , Writing History, Writing Trauma (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001), 41.
- 115.
LaCapra , Writing History, 1.
- 116.
Ibid., 41.
- 117.
See María Delgado, “Wakolda,” Sight & Sound 24, no. 9, September 2014: 80–81.
- 118.
Massumi , Politics of Affect, 49.
- 119.
Massumi furthers this link by stating that the “past includes what we think of as subjective elements, such as habits, acquired skills, inclinations, desires, even willings, all of which come in patterns of repetition. … There is a reactivation of the past in passage towards a changed future, cutting transversally across dimensions of time, between past and future, and between pasts of different orders … bodily capacitation, felt transition, quality of lived experience, memory , repetition, seriation, inclination—in dynamic relation to each other” (49).
- 120.
See Martin , The Cinema, 79. This resemblance is much more obvious if we compare the novel’s Lilith to Martel’s Amalia. The narrator states, referring to Lilith, “She moved like a ghost, and no one had any secrets from her” (83). Lilith’s “ghostly” presence is significantly less evident in the film due to her medical dependence on the doctor and her overtly child-like curiosity.
- 121.
Amalia is never Dr. Jano’s ongoing patient; she is simply examined by him once in an effort staged by the adolescent to get closer to the doctor.
- 122.
This silence among these family members—and Eva’s silence about her parents’ involvement with Nazi fugitives—assumes another subtle and historically emblematic characteristic in the film (and Puenzo’s novel). The differently manifested and exhibited silence allows Puenzo to layer the film with fine references to the complexities involving German refugees, communities, and their cultural practices in Argentina from 1933 onward, especially due to a new influx of German-speaking immigrants in Argentina that coincides with Hitler’s political establishment. According to Steinacher, “After Hitler’s assumption of power in 1933, a new group of German-speaking immigrants—around 30,000 to 40,000 German refugees fleeing for political or ‘racial’ reasons, most of them Jews—arrived in Argentina. In the years after the Anschluss in 1938, an estimated 2,000 Austrian Jews found refuge from Nazi persecution—more than in any other Latin American country. The official ‘German colony’ adopted the political line of the new rulers in the German Reich. The anti-Nazi newcomers remained distant from the German community that aligned itself politically with Hitler’s Reich” (213). In considering these historical observations, the film further encrusts its remedial qualities but always by, to echo Deleuze , “making the invisible visible,” therefore, affective. See Deleuze , Francis Bacon: The Logic of Sensation, trans. Daniel W. Smith (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2003), 48.
- 123.
See Frances Moulder, Exiting the Extraordinary. Returning to the Ordinary World After War, Prison, and Other Extraordinary Experiences (Lanham: Lexington Books, 2016), xi.
- 124.
Ibid., xiii. Moulder poignantly offers an example of an excruciatingly lived prohibition to drink water in Auschwitz by including the Holocaust survivor Charlotte Delbo’s essay, “Thirst.”
- 125.
Priebke (1913–2013) was another high-profile SS officer in Nazi Germany. Like Mengele , Priebke spent much of his life in South America in general and in Argentina in particular. As a German captain, Priebke was responsible for the massacre at the Ardeatine Caves in Rome on 24 March 1944. Close to 350 Italian civilians were killed under his command. The massacre was in retaliation for a partisan attack in which 33 German troops were killed.
- 126.
Steinacher, Nazis on the Run, xviii. Steinacher explicates: “Former Nazis and SS men had indisputably forged bonds and support networks that secured their escape from Germany. These loose associations gradually became more concrete in 1946 and thereafter, and often consisted of small groups of men who had fought together. The network maintained by former members of the Waffen-SS, for instance, shows how ties forged on the battlefield and in combat units later served to jump-start and support post-war careers.”
- 127.
The novel, which was translated into English by David W. Foster in 2014, has been published in over ten countries.
- 128.
See Let’s Fight for Life, a non-governmental organization whose reports are available at http://www.luchemos.org.ar/es/noticias. In 2015, close to 8,000 road traffic-related deaths occurred in Argentina; near 400 fatal accidents took place in Salta. Last accessed 25 January 2016.
- 129.
See this interview at https://www.art-tv.ch/10722-0-Interview-Luca-Puenzo-.html. Last accessed 15 October 2015.
- 130.
Erll and Rigney, Mediation, 7.
- 131.
Puenzo , The German Doctor, trans. David W. Foster (London: Hesperus Nova, 2014), 7.
- 132.
Mengele’s remains were exhumed on 6 June 1980 in Brazil. See Christopher Joyce and Eric Stover, Witnesses from the Grave: The Stories Bones Tell (New York: Little Brown & Co, 1991).
- 133.
According to Keenan and Weizman, the Mengele case “inaugurated a new cultural sensibility, and ethics and a political aesthetics whose implications and influences quickly overflowed the boundaries of their initial forums and made their way from the juridical field to structure the way we understand and represent political conflicts, whether in media, in political debates, in literature, film, or the arts” (13–14).
- 134.
Edward Ingebretsen, At Stake: Monsters and the Rhetoric of Fear in Public Culture (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001), 67.
- 135.
There is a moment in the novel (pages 218–220) when Lilith sees the doctor naked in a shower, thus turning his body into an ambiguous site of desire (her ungainly object of desire) or, more precisely, the site of libidinous curiosity, learning, and ultimate displeasure.
- 136.
Puenzo, The German Doctor, 21.
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Selimović, I. (2018). Remediations and Affect. In: Affective Moments in the Films of Martel, Carri, and Puenzo. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-49642-3_3
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