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Situating Knowledge

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Medicine, Magic and Art in Early Modern Norway

Part of the book series: Palgrave Historical Studies in Witchcraft and Magic ((PHSWM))

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Abstract

Certain paratexts place the Black Books in time and space and in connection with material features, which serves to position the knowledge in the books in a symbolic landscape. Chapter 6 looks at how the knowledge is situated through different narratives about its origin. These narratives are represented by peritexts and epitexts alike, they illustrate the reciprocal relationship between the inside and the outside of the Black Books and point towards the ‘life’ these books had outside a strictly literary framework. The elements situating the books point towards a specific view of knowledge where the boundaries between past and present are highlighted and identified. In this process a unique biography of the Black Book and its knowledge is created.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    ‘(O)g indeholder det som nu er her/ at finde:/ Sortbogen/ Blev först funden paa Wittenbergs/ Ackademie/ Aar 1529./ i/ En Marmorsteens Kiste skrewen paa/ Pergament./’, see NB MS 4 1819.

  2. 2.

    The Norwegian Folklore Archives comprises thousands of legends collected from all over Norway during the late nineteenth and first half of the twentieth centuries. These legends were categorized by the folklorists Svale Solheim and Reidar Christiansen in the first half of the twentieth century. The six types constituting the Black Book legends comprises, by my count, some 296 recordings, see Reidar Th Christiansen, The Migratory Legends: A Proposed List of Types with a Systematic Catalogue of the Norwegian Variants, vol. 175, Ff Communications (Helsinki: Suomalainen tiedeakatemia, 1958).

  3. 3.

    This is a view shared by many scholars, see, for instance, Bente Gullveig Alver, Mellem mennesker og magter. Magi i hekseforfølgelsernes tid (Oslo: Scandinavian Academic Press, 2008), pp. 177–78; Marisa Rey-Henningsen, ‘Folklore and Reality in Nineteenth-Century Denmark: Five Examples of Analyses of Folk Narratives’, Arv: Nordic Yearbook of Folklore 58 (2002): pp. 43–75; Timothy R. Tangherlini, ‘“It Happened Not Too Far from Here…”: A Survey of Legend Theory and Characterization’, Western Folklore 49, no. 4 (1990): p. 379; Anne Eriksen, ‘Dialog og egenart’, in Kunnskap om kultur: Folkloristiske dialoger, ed. Knut Aukrust and Anne Eriksen (Oslo: Novus forl., 1999), pp. 169–83.

  4. 4.

    Arne Bugge Amundsen, ‘Innledning’, in Sagnomsust: Fortelling og virkelighet, ed. Arne Bugge Amundsen, Bjarne Hodne, and Ane Ohrvik (Oslo: Novus forlag, 2002), p. 22; Ørnulf Hodne, ‘Slaget ved Kringen—Historie, sagn og nasjonal myte’, ibid., p. 82.

  5. 5.

    Cf. Rey-Henningsen, p. 175; Timothy R. Tangherlini, ‘“Who Ya Gonna Call?”: Ministers and the Mediation of Ghostly Threat in Danish Legend Tradition’, Western Folklore 57, no. 2/3 (1998); Stein R. Mathisen, ‘Den farlige kunnskapen: Makter, moral og viten i sagn om svarteboka’, in Mellom sagn og virkelighet i nordnorsk tradisjon, ed. Marit Anne Hauan and Ann Helen Bolstad Skjelbred (Stabekk: Vett & Viten, 1995), p. 29.

  6. 6.

    ‘Svartte bogen i sig selv er dog ikke saa farlig som mange sig og ind biller sig i almindelighed’, see NFS Moltke Moe 106 III, e. See also NB MS 8 640b.

  7. 7.

    See, for instance, NFS Moltke Moe 106 I, NFS Moltke Moe 106 III a), NFS Moltke Moe 106 III e), NFS Svartebok Ål i Hallingdal, NB MS 8 640b, NB MS 8 640c1, NB MS 8 640e, NB MS 8 3136, and Private ownership: Romerike. Three examples serve as potential exceptions to this exclusiveness . An inscription in a copy of Konste Bog (Art book) from Soknedalen, probably from around 1800 has, towards the end of the book, an inscription stating that ‘This book is thus set out (ud Sættet) by Tyge Brav at the castle in Copenhagen in 1592 and copied by a poor smallholder in the year 1839’. The inscription made by a secondary writer of the Black Book both attributes the last part of the book to the famous Danish astronomer and alchemist Tycho Brahe (1546–1601) and places the origin of the book in Copenhagen , Denmark, see NB MS 8 640l. Correspondingly, A little art book or a summary of the book Cyprian…, a Black Book from the late eighteenth century, informs in the synopsis-title on the first leaf recto that the book is a ‘Summary of the very/ Cyprian/ which was written by the bishop/ Johanes Sell of Oxford/ in England / in the year 1682’. Even though this book connects to Oxford by way of the bishop Johanes Sell, the second leaf recto still claims that the Black Book is ‘a copy of the very black art book/ written at the Academy of Wittenberg Anno 1529’, a statement somewhat in conflict with the first given in terms of localizing the origin of the book, see Private ownership: Svartebok fra Elverum 1. The third example derives from a Black Book from Stavanger in the west, from the mid-eighteenth century, where the title says that the book is the very ‘Cyprian:/ the world famous/ black artist (artisan?)/ once again revised and improved/ by highly learned and art-skilled (konstererfarne)/ Doctoribus/ printed in Stavanger in Norway anno 1699./’ As pointed out in Chap. 3, the book is not printed, but gives the impression of being printed. Furthermore, ‘printed in Stavanger’ does not claim, strictly speaking, that the very origin of the knowledge derives from this particular city, but that the copy of an original does.

  8. 8.

    ‘Siprianus Kunste/ Bog Skreven paa/ Wittenbergske/ Academie/ Anno 1345 og siden fun=/ =den paa/ Kiøbenhavns/ Slott Anno 1665 Ud i en/ Marmorstens Kiste/ Skreven paa Pergament/’ See NFS Moltke Moe 106 I.

  9. 9.

    For Copenhagen as the secondary location of the Black Book, see, for instance, NFS Moltke Moe 106 III a), NFS Moltke Moe 106 III e), NFS Svartebok Ål in Hallingdal, and Private ownership: Black Book from Elverum 1.

  10. 10.

    ‘Aaret 1761—same aaret som den nuværende Rørstadkirke blev ferdig og tat i bruk—kom Erik Werlauf som res. kapellan til Folla. Han var en av dem som hadde gaat Wittenbergskolen, og de som hadde gaat den skolen var kloke karer som kunde noget av hvert. Præke kunde han, baade lov og evangelium, og andre kirkelige forretninger og; men han kunde ogsaa løse og binde Hinmanden ved hjelp av svarteboken som han hadde faat påå skolen’, ml3000-SIN183, see https://www2.hf.uio.no/eventyr_og_sagn/index.php?id=52746 (accessed 11 June 2017).

  11. 11.

    See, for instance, Marit Anne Hauan, ‘Petter Dass i det mytiske landskapet’, in Petter Dass—omkring Nordlands trompet, ed. Svein Erik Forfang and Ivar Roger Hansen (Nesna: Høgskolen i Nesna, 2004), pp. 23–39; Roald E. Kristiansen, ‘De gjenstridige prestene: Svartebokspresten som tricksterfigur’, in Det gjenstridige: Edmund Edvardsen 60 år, ed. Jens-Ivar Nergård and Sigmund Nesset (Vallset: Oplandske bokforlag, 2003), pp. 135–48; Kathleen Stokker , ‘To Catch a Thief: Binding and Losing and the Black Book Minister’, Scandinavian Studies: Nordic Narrative Folklore 61 (1989): pp. 353–74; ‘Between Sin and Salvation: The Human Condition in Legends of the Black Book Minister’, Scandinavian Studies 67 (1995): pp. 91–108.

  12. 12.

    ml3000-SIN191, see https://www2.hf.uio.no/eventyr_og_sagn/index.php?id=52740 (accessed 11 June 2017).

  13. 13.

    Ferdinand Ohrt , ‘Cyprianus: Hans bog og hans bøn’, in Danske studier, ed. Gunnar Knudsen and Marius Kristensen (København: Gyldendalske Boghandel, Nordisk Forlag, 1923), p. 9.

  14. 14.

    See, for instance, Kathleen Stokker , Remedies and Rituals: Folk Medicine in Norway and the New Land (St.Paul, MN: Minnesota Historical Society Press, 2007), pp. 70, 82–83; Alver, pp. 36, 125.

  15. 15.

    Arne Bugge Amundsen, ‘Religiøs reform mellom makt og avmakt’, in Norges religionshistorie, ed. Arne Bugge Amundsen (Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, 2005), p. 165.

  16. 16.

    Oluf Kolsrud and Kristen Valkner, Presteutdaningi i Noreg, Norvegia Sacra 21 (Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, 1962), pp. 85–91.

  17. 17.

    Ibid., pp. 88–89. The exact number of Norwegian students matriculating at the University of Copenhagen during the sixteenth century is unfortunately unknown because the register for the period before 1611 is lost.

  18. 18.

    Karsten Hermansen, Kirken, kongen og enevælden: En undersøgelse af det danske bispeembede 1660–1746, vol. 298, University of Southern Denmark Studies in History and Social Sciences (Odense: Heraldisk Selskab, 2005), p. 219; Steinar Imsen, Superintendenten: En studie i kirkepolitikk, kirkeadmininstrasjon og statsutvikling mellom reformasjonen og eneveldet, (Oslo, Bergen, Tromsø: Universitetsforlaget, 1982), p. 146.

  19. 19.

    Vello Helk, Dansk-norske studierejser fra reformationen til enevælden, 1536–1660: Med en matrikel over studerende i udlandet, vol. 101, Odense University Studies in History and Social Sciences (Odense: Odense University Press, 1987), pp. 40–44.

  20. 20.

    Dansk-Norske studierejser: 1661–1813, vol. 139, Odense University Studies in History and Social Sciences (Odense: Odense University Press, 1991), pp. 82–85.

  21. 21.

    Andreas Aarflot, Norsk kirkehistorie, ed. Carl Fr. Wisløff and Andreas Aarflot, vol. 2, Norsk kirkehistorie (Oslo: Lutherstiftelsen, 1967), pp. 34–37; Kolsrud and Valkner, p. 132.

  22. 22.

    Owen Davies , Grimoires: A History of Magic Books (Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), p. 119. One could argue, of course, that the reputation Wittenberg acquired could very well have been the work of Counter-Reformationists within the Catholic Church who saw the opportunity of degrading the ‘heart of Lutheranism’.

  23. 23.

    Elizabeth M. Butler, The Fortunes of Faust, Magic in History (University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998), p. 5.

  24. 24.

    There is one copy preserved in The University Library in Uppsala which is damaged and the title page is missing. It probably originally consisted of 128 leaves . For a further description of the book, see R. Paulli, ed. Danske folkebøger fra 16. og 17. aarhundrede, vol. 12, Danske folkebøger fra 16. og 17. aarhundrede (Copenhagen: Gyldendalske Boghandel, Nordisk Forlag, 1932), p. 253.

  25. 25.

    Davies, p. 27.

  26. 26.

    Knut Hermundstad, Kvorvne tider, Norsk Folkeminnelags Skrifter 86 (Oslo: Norsk folkeminnelag, 1961), p. 93.

  27. 27.

    M. T. Clanchy, ‘Parchment and Paper: Manuscript Culture 1100–1500’, in A Companion to the History of the Book, ed. Simon Eliot and Jonathan Rose (Wiley-Blackwell, 2009), pp. 194–206.

  28. 28.

    For a survey of the introduction of paper to Europe , see Lucien Febvre and Henri-Jean Martin, The Coming of the Book: The Impact of Printing 1450–1800 (London: Verso, 1990), pp. 29–44.

  29. 29.

    From Trithemius 1973, pp. 62, 64, here quoted from Jan-Dirk Müller , ‘The Body of the Book: The Media Transition from Manuscript to Print’, in The Book History Reader, ed. David Finkelstein and Alistair McCleery (London and New York: Routledge, 2006), pp. 184–85 (italics by author).

  30. 30.

    Ibid., p. 185.

  31. 31.

    Ibid., p. 187.

  32. 32.

    ‘Cyprianiugs Kustboeg blev Først Funden/ paa Vittenbergs Accademie det aar 1722 og/ siden Efter den blev trÿegt og udkom til/ adskillige Riger og stæder blev den opsögt og brendt/ Endelig blev den atter igjen fund paa kiøbenhames/ slaat i en marmor Sten Kiste Skreven paa Pergament./’, see NFS Moltke Moe 106 III e). The same narrative also occurs in NFS Moltke Moe 106 III a).

  33. 33.

    See NFS Moltke Moe 106 I, Moltke Moe 106 III a), NFS Moltke Moe IV g), HEI NO 4924, NFS Svartebok Ål in Hallingdal, NB MS 4 279, NB MS 8 640b, NB MS 8 640e, NB MS 8 640i, NB MS 8 640l, NB MS 8 3136, Private ownership Elverum 1, Private ownership Romerike, NB MS 8 640a, and NFS Joh. Olsen respectively.

  34. 34.

    ‘[O]ptager indenlands Stof, der tidligere kun var forplantet ad Traditionens Vei’, see A. Chr. Bang, Norske hexeformularer og magiske opskrifter, Videnskabsselskabets Skrifter Ii (Kristiania: I commission hos Jacob Dybwad, 1901), p. xxxviii.

  35. 35.

    ‘Herr Søren. I Landsbygderne i Lister og Mandals Amt ere der vist Faa, som ikke have hørt Tale om ‘Herr Søren’, ‘den vise Herr Søren’ eller ‘Bjellandspresten’; thi Sagnene om ham synes at være naaede frem næsten til hver en Krog . Særlig fremstille Sagnene dog Herr Søren, hvad de over-hovedet gjøre med enhver ældre Prest, der har udvist Klogskab og Dygtighed, som den ‘vise’, ‘kloge’ Prest, der kunde mer end sit ‘Fadervor’ og havde ‘lært Svartebogen’ nærpaa uden- ad. Derfor kunde han mane, ‘binde og løse’, fjetre til Stedet og var overhovedet i Besiddelse af og istand til at bruge over-naturlige og troldomsagtige Kræfter’, Joh. Th. Storaker , Sagn Og Gaader (Storakers Samlinger Viii), ed. Nils Lid, Norsk Folkeminnelag Nr. 47 (Oslo: Norsk Folkeminnelag, 1941), p. 17.

  36. 36.

    ‘Sine Kunster havde han lært paa Sorteskolen i Wittenberg, som han havde gjennen-gaaet. Her var det Regel, at En skulde tilhøre den Onde. Der kastedes Lod om, hvem det skulde gjælde, og Loddet traf Herr Søren. Som han nu en Dag gik i Solskinnet, kom den Onde for at hente ham; men Herr Søren sagde: ‘Tag den, som gaar bagefter!’ Den Onde lod sig narre og tog Skyggen; men Herr Søren havde fra den Dag ingen Skygge’, ibid.

  37. 37.

    ‘Lars Lauen i Hægebostad var lærer. Han døydde umlag 1880. Lars var vis, han kunde meir enn andre. Ein stad var der uvenskap millom ei gamall kona og sonekona hennar. Den gamle klipte sund sine eigne klæde, og gav den unge skuldi. Daa fekk dei henta Lars Lauen , og han mana den gamle fram med skjeren i handi. Daa saag dei kven som hadde gjort det’, see Ørnulf Hodne, Folkeskolen i folkeminnet: En annerledes skolehistorie (Oslo: Cappelen Damm, 2010), pp. 42–43.

  38. 38.

    Ibid.

  39. 39.

    ‘der bier aldri utdelt saa mange svarteboker som der var studenter’, Kristian Østberg, Svartboka (Oslo: Steenske Forlag, 1925), p. 128.

  40. 40.

    Anne Eriksen, ‘Øvrighet og trollmann. Folkelige oppfatninger av presterollen’, Kirkegeografi for Østfold 1: Prest og predikant på 1800-tallet (1992).

  41. 41.

    Kristiansen, pp. 135–48.

  42. 42.

    Stokker , Remedies and Rituals: Folk Medicine in Norway and the New Land, p. 75.

  43. 43.

    ‘Det siges, at ei riktig Svartebok skal være skreven med Blod og indbunden i et Stykke af Fandens Klo. Den Svarteboka jeg (A.K.) saa paa Setskogen for 5 Aar siden var ikke saa flot utstyrt, men vistnok et høist mærkværdig Stykke. Håndskrevet med Vinkler og Cirkler og andet Krimkrams. Ved et rent Tilfælde var den kommet i nuværende Eiers Haand. Jeg har ikke Lov til at nævne hans Navn, men jeg kan vel faa Boka utlaant. Mon ikke Svarteboka ogsaa kaldes Nyttebok?’, see NFS Aug. Krogh IV p. 7.

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Ohrvik, A. (2018). Situating Knowledge. In: Medicine, Magic and Art in Early Modern Norway. Palgrave Historical Studies in Witchcraft and Magic. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-46742-3_6

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