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Attributing Knowledge

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Book cover Medicine, Magic and Art in Early Modern Norway

Part of the book series: Palgrave Historical Studies in Witchcraft and Magic ((PHSWM))

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Abstract

Chapter 4 examines attributional practice in Black Books through the roles and functions of authorship. By identifying specific mediators in the texts, which serve different authorial purposes and can be viewed as authorial sources, Black Book authorship clearly points towards the legendary figure of Cyprian as the dominant and most important authorial source. Cyprian is placed at the top of the authorial hierarchy, embodying the greatest authority and impact on the authorisation of the Black Books, unlike his international counterparts. His authorial position is discussed in the light of his ambivalence as the number one symbol of the magus in the North, while at the same time representing Christian virtues earned through his battle with the Devil and conversion to Christianity.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    This chapter builds on a preliminary study published in 2011, see Ane Ohrvik, “Autorisering i norske svartebøker: En studie av forfatterskap i Cÿprianus Konstbog,” in Or gamalt: Nye perspektiver på folkeminner: Festskrift til Anna-Marie Wiersholm, ed. Line Esborg, Kyrre Kverndokk and Leiv Sem, Norsk Folkeminnelag 165/Instituttet for Sammenlignende Kulturforskning Serie B: Skrifter Vol. Cxl (Oslo: Aschehoug, 2011), pp. 119–41.

  2. 2.

    Harold Love , Attributing Authorship: An Introduction (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), p. 3. Even though Love’s aim is eventually to establish individual authorship in texts, placing himself in the modern literary scholarship of attribution studies, I find his perspectives on individual agency in questions of authorship and attribution highly useful here.

  3. 3.

    Ibid., p. 13.

  4. 4.

    See, for instance, Trygve Riiser Gundersen, “Forfatteren”, in Tekst og historie: Å lese tekster historisk, ed. Kristin Asdal et al. (Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, 2008), p. 226; Martha Woodmansee, “On the Author Effect: Recovering Collectivity”, in The Construction of Authorship: Textual Appropriation in Law and Literature, Post-Contemporary Interventions, ed. Martha Woodmansee and Peter Jaszi (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1994), pp. 15–28. For studies on the development of copyright and its effect on the notion of authorship , see “The Genius and the Copyright: Economic and Legal Conditions of the Emergence of the ‘Author’”, Eighteenth-Century Studies 17, no. 4 (1984): pp. 425–48; Mark Rose , Authors and Owners: The Invention of Copyright (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993); John Feather, “From Rights in Copies to Copyright: The Recognition of Author’s Rights in English Law and Practice in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries”, in The Construction of Authorship: Textual Appropriation in Law and Literature, Post-Contemporary Interventions, ed. Martha Woodmansee and Peter Jaszi (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1994), pp. 191–209.

  5. 5.

    While several critics have voiced such criticisms, the best known is the one presented by Roland Barthes and Michel Foucault . In ‘The Death of the Author’ from 1968 Barthes claims, ‘it is language which speaks, not the author ’. He thus promotes a form of interpretation where the words and language of a text alone should form the basis for the creation of meaning . In ‘What Is an Author?’ from 1969, Foucault argues for an author function, more specifically claiming that the author only exists as a function of the written text, as part of its structure , but not necessarily as part of the interpretation process. Only in the ‘absence’ of an author can the authorial function and the text’s historicity be studied. See Roland Barthes, ‘The Death of the Author’, in Modern Criticism and Theory, ed. David Lodge (London and New York, NY: Longman, 1988), pp. 167–72; Michel Foucault , ‘What Is an Author?’, ibid., pp. 197–210.

  6. 6.

    Rose , p. 8.

  7. 7.

    See, for example, Roger Chartier and Lydia G. Cochrane, The Author’s Hand and the Printer’s Mind (Cambridge: Polity, 2014), pp. 73–86; Love ; Janet Wright Starner and Barbara Howard Traister, ‘Introduction’, in Anonymity in Early Modern England: ‘What’s in a Name?’, ed. Janet Wright Starner and Barbara Howard Traister (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2011).

  8. 8.

    Ann Blair , ‘Authorship in the Popular “Problemata Aristotelis”’, Early Science and Medicine 4, no. 3 (1999): 189–227.

  9. 9.

    Love , pp. 1–33.

  10. 10.

    ‘Lacker Bog/ tillige med/ adskillige/ Balsomer at Præparere/ saa og/ Hvorledes Mand skal omgaaes/ Med slette farver saavel/ som adskillige Particularia/’ and ‘[S]ammen skrefvne/ af/ Ulrich Christian/ Heide/ mpria/’, ’Næss gaard d 12 Maj 1632 1732/ O.l. Møller’, NB MS 3 1828. As pointed out in Chap. 2, a later owner has tried to make the book seem older.

  11. 11.

    ‘En/ Lieden Haand/ Bog/ Rigtig Copi/ Efter Origialen [sic.]/ befunden og Sammen/ skreven paa Pergament/ Anno 1516 den/ 16de September/’ and ‘[S]krevet af mig/ Paul Christensen Lillerusten/’, see NB MS 8 640i.

  12. 12.

    ‘Denne bog til hører mig Hans Andreas Pedersen Tangen . Indrættet den 16de september anno 1779’, see Kristian Østberg, Svartboka (Oslo: Steenske Forlag, 1925), pp. 69–79. NB MS 8 640c1 has a similar statement.

  13. 13.

    ‘Mangler Inggen [sic.] ting idette som er et af det vigtigste/ Og et udtog af dem beÿge [sic.]’ and ’som det indføres udi/ denne Bog meget af/ dem begge, saa mang=/ ler den ingen Ting/ denne bog, som er/ af det Vigtigste, og som/ et Udtog af dem beg=/ge’, see NFS Moltke Moe 106 IIIe and NB MS 8 640b, respectively. A similar statement is offered in the introduction to a Black Book from Eiker in Eastern Norway from around 1850, see NB MS 8 640c1.

  14. 14.

    ‘Cyprianus/ Trekandt/ Ret forcklaring’, see NB MS 8 3136. This is further illustrated in, for example, the expression ‘Cyprian correct free art’ (‘Cÿprinaus/ Rette Fri Konster’), which appears in the title of a Black Book from Moland in Telemark from around 1800, see NB MS 8 640e.

  15. 15.

    See, for instance, Elizabeth L. Eisenstein , The Printing Press as an Agent of Change: Communications and Cultural Transformations in Early-Modern Europe (Cambridge: University Press, 1979), pp. 121–22; Julia C. Crick and Alexandra Walsham , ‘Introduction: Script, Print, and History’, in The Uses of Script and Print, 1300–1700, ed. Julia C. Crick and Alexandra Walsham (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), pp. 1–26; Ottar Grepstad, Det litterære skattkammer: Sakprosaens teori og retorikk (Oslo: Samlaget, 1997), p. 82; Carol Everhart Quillen, Rereading the Renaissance: Petrarch, Augustine, and the Language of Humanism (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1998), p. 71.

  16. 16.

    Cyndia Susan Clegg, ‘“The Aucthor of This Book”: Attributing Authorship, 1580–1640’, Pacific Coast Philology 40, no. 2 (2005): p. 33. For insights into the commercial side of early modern scribal production , see the study by Harold Love of seventeenth-century scribes in England : Harold Love , The Culture and Commerce of Texts: Scribal Publication in Seventeenth Century England (Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 1998), see especially Chap. 3, pp. 90–137.

  17. 17.

    Jørgen Magnus Sejersted, ‘Forfatterens selvframstilling rundt år 1700: Dorothe Engelbretsdatter i verket’, Norsk litteraturvitenskapelig tidsskrift, no. 2 (2008): p. 85; Henrik Horstbøll , ‘Anonymiteten, trykkefriheden og forfatterrollens forandring i 1700-tallets Danmark’, Lychnos: Årsbok för idé- och lärdomshistoria 2010 (2010): pp. 147–60; for a discussion of reasons for anonymity in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century publications, see Robert J. Griffin, ‘Anonymity and Authorship’, New Literary History 30, no. 4 (1999): pp. 887–95.

  18. 18.

    Laura L. Runge , ‘Introduction’, in Producing the Eighteenth-Century Book. Writers and Publishers in England, 1650–1800, ed. Laura L. Runge and Pat Rogers (Newark, DL: University of Delaware Press, 2009), p. 21.

  19. 19.

    See Adrian Johns , The Nature of the Book: Print and Knowledge in the Making (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1998); David McKitterick , Print, Manuscript and the Search for Order, 1450–1830 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003).

  20. 20.

    Johns , p. 3.

  21. 21.

    Gérard Genette , Paratexts: Thresholds of Interpretation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), p. 41.

  22. 22.

    The letters on the second line have partly worn away. The first letter appears to be S, and the final words indicate the word Bogen (the book). Bearing in mind the title variations found in the corpus as a whole, there is every reason to assume that the second line was Svarte Bogen (the Black Book).

  23. 23.

    ‘Et Udtog af Cÿpherianus og…’, see NB MS 4 1819.

  24. 24.

    Blair, p. 198.

  25. 25.

    ‘Et Udtog af Cÿpherianus og/ Jödiske Cabal/ samt/ Nec Cromantien, Demonologien og/ Göetien./ Indeholdende Matematiske, Cÿmei, Experi/ =mentalphÿsiske Konster og Widenskaber./ et/ Udtog/ Af den Ceremonialske Magie og Theur -/ =gien; og indeholder det som nu er her/ at finde:/ Sortbogen/ Blev först funden paa/ Wittenbergs/ Ackademie/ Aar 1529./ i/ En Marmorsteens Kiste skrewen paa/ Pergament./’, and ‘Bog som i Almindelighed kaldes Svarte/ … er först skrevet af en Biskop til Oxford/ … Tÿdskland, hans Navn er Johannes Zeel ./ …an udgav först Cÿprianii Hemmeligheder i Trÿk-/ ken, som og Dog tilforen havde veret Trÿkket/ med Munkestiil, han kaldede hende Cÿprianii/ Cecrete, som og denne Bog er den ælste og et Utog/ af den Jödiske Cabal, saa har den Fortrinnet/ frem for andre Materialske Böger, Georg Vich-/ torinus har ogsaa skrevet et Udtog af Arterne/ af den Ceremonialske Magie, som kaldes Götien,/ men som der indföres i denne Bog meget af/ dem begge, som er det Vigtigste, saa mang-/ ler ingen Ting her, som er et Udtog af/ dem begge og tillige det betÿdeligste og/ og mest Nÿttige/’, and ‘Den anden Deel/ af/ Cÿpherianii Skrifter/ Som dog i almindelighed kaldes Ma-/ terie Materalicka Cÿmpanologo mianna/ og/ som indeholder en deel Konster som/ ved Cÿmetisk og Trairgiske Konster/ Bruges og benÿttes/’, see NB MS 4 1819.

  26. 26.

    Whether these works are in fact presented in the book is of less interest in this context. My concern here is that the text claims this to be true.

  27. 27.

    As Gerard Genette points out: ‘If the author is the guarantor of the text (auctor ), this guarantor himself has a guarantor—the publisher —who “introduces” him and names him’; see Genette , p. 46. In my reading of Cÿprianus Konstbog it is the actual writer of this book that holds a position similar to that of the publisher .

  28. 28.

    Richard Bauman , A World of Others’ Words: Cross-Cultural Perspectives on Intertextuality (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2004), p. 133.

  29. 29.

    On the first leaf verso it reads that: ‘[t]his book which generally is called the black/ book was first written by a Bishop born in/ Tÿselund. His name is Johanes Zeeb. He first/ published Cybriani himmeligheder (Cybriani secrets) in print , but which/ had previously been printed for men/ and he called her Cÿppriani Croreete but found/ that this book is the older and is an excerpt from Jewish Calla so/ it has been the precursor of other material books./ Jørg Litorius has also written an excerpt of arnom of the/ ceremonial magic which is called gotien but which/ introduces in this much of the/’, see NFS Moltke Moe 106 IIIe. As may be evident from the English translation, the text is full of misspellings and misunderstandings.

  30. 30.

    On the second recto leaf a main title and a brief introduction are followed by the beginning of a preface : ‘Preface !/ This book, which/ generally is called/ the black book, was/ first written by a bishop/ of Oxford , in Germany ,/ his name was Johannes Ild. He/ first published Syphrianie/ Hemmeligheder (Cyprian’s secrets)/ in print , which/ had previously been/ printed in the Monkish/ style; because he called/ it Syphrianie/ Ci=Crete (Cyprianus’ secrets); but as this/ book is the oldest/ and an excerpt of the/ Jewish Cabal it/ has the advantage/ over other/ material books./ Giord Fikturius has also/ written an excerpt of/ the nature of the/ ceremonial magic which/ is called Gjötsien, but/ as much is taken/ from this book by both/ of them, nothing is lacking/ of what is most important, and as/ an excerpt of them both/’, see NB MS 8 640b. In NB MS 8 640c1 the same mediators surface under the names of Johannes Ild and Giord Fictorius.

  31. 31.

    ‘En Liden Kunstbog/ eller et/ Udtog af Selve/ Sybrianus,/ som var skreven af biskop/ Johanes Sell til/ Oxford / udi England / A:a: 1682./’ The book has been translated into English by Mary Rustad; see Mary S. Rustad, ed. The Black Books of Elverum (Lakeville, MN: Galde Press, 1999), p. 1. The original Norwegian text cited here is extracted from the facsimiles of the manuscript presented in the publication.

  32. 32.

    Philip Chesney Yorke, ‘Fell, John’, in The Encyclopedia Britannica: A Dictionary of Arts, Sciences, Literature and General Information, ed. Hugh Chrisholm (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1910); Vivienne Larminie, ‘Fell, John (1625–1686)’, in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004).

  33. 33.

    See http://www.admin.ox.ac.uk/researchsupport/findfunding/jff/about/ (accessed 19 March 2017). Oxford University Press also has a John Fell OUP Research Fund which aims to ‘foster creativity and a proactive approach to research opportunities in all subject areas, and particularly interdisciplinary fields’; see ibid. The fund gives seedcorn and start-up grants and general funds to stimulate applications to external agencies.

  34. 34.

    John Fell and John Pearson, Sancti Cæcilii Cypriani Opera recognita & illustrata per Joannem Oxoniensem episcopum; accedunt Annales Cyprianici, sive, Tredecim annorum; quibus S. Cyprianus inter Christianos versatus est, brevis historia chronologice delineata per Joannem Cestriensem (Oxonii: E Theatro Sheldoniano, 1682).

  35. 35.

    Robert Eitner, ‘Victorinus’, in Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie & Neue Deutsche Biographie Bd.: 39, Tunner-de Vins (Leipzig, 1895); E. van der Straeten, ‘Georg Victorinus (Composer)’, in Grove’s Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. George Grove (1952).

  36. 36.

    See Eitner.

  37. 37.

    Genette , p. 41.

  38. 38.

    See, for instance, Martin P. Nilsson, ‘Greek Mysteries in the Confession of St. Cyprian’, The Harvard Theological Review 40, no. 3 (1947): p. 167; Elizabeth M. Butler, The Fortunes of Faust, Magic in History (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998), pp. 3–4; Philip Mason Palmer and Robert Pattison More, The Sources of the Faust Tradition from Simon Magus to Lessing (New York, NY: Octagon Books, 1966), pp. 41–58; K. Kieswetter, Faust in der Geschichte und Tradition (Leipzig: M. Spohr, 1893), p. 88.

  39. 39.

    Jacobus de Voragine, The Golden Legend or Lives of the Saints. Compiled by Jacobus De Voragine , Archbishop of Genoa , 1275, vol. 5 (Temple Classics, 1900 (1922, 1931)), p. 79; see also Elizabeth M. Butler, The Myth of the Magus (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 87–91.

  40. 40.

    Here quoted from Valerie I. J. Flint, The Rise of Magic in Early Medieval Europe (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991), pp. 233–34.

  41. 41.

    Nilsson, p. 169. The Greek words integrated into Nilsson’s translation have been removed in my quotation.

  42. 42.

    Voragine, vol. 5, p. 79.

  43. 43.

    Edgar J. Goodspeed, ‘The Martyrdom of Cyprian and Justa’, The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures 19, no. 2 (1903): 79.

  44. 44.

    Nilsson, p. 167; Goodspeed, pp. 65–82; Don C. Skemer, Binding Words: Textual Amulets in the Middle Ages (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2006), p. 127.

  45. 45.

    A very ‘classical’ example of such a text is presented on ten pages of NFS Moltke Moe 106 I, a Black Book from the south-east of Norway dated to the late eighteenth century. See also NFS Joh. Olsen, NFS Svartebok fra Stavanger, NB MS 8640b, NB MS 4 1819 and Romerike Cipriandus Sorte Konst Bog.

  46. 46.

    Ferdinand Ohrt , ‘Cyprianus: Hans bog og hans bøn’, in Danske studier, ed. Gunnar Knudsen and Marius Kristensen (Copenhagen: Gyldendalske Boghandel, Nordisk Forlag, 1923), p. 19.

  47. 47.

    See, for instance, NB MS 8 81, Nb MS 8 640a, NB MS 8 640c1, and NB MS 4 832.

  48. 48.

    ‘Ex horum verò Goeticorum anagyri profluxetunt omnes isti tenebrarum libri, quos improbatæ lectionis Vlpianusiurifconfultusappellat, protinusque corrumpendoseffe statuit. Cuiusmodi primus excogitasse dicitue Zabulus quidam illicitis artibus deditus, deinde Barnabas quidam Cyprius, & hodie adhuc confictis titulis circumferuntur libri sub nominibus Adæ, Abelis, Enoch, Abrahæ, Salomonis: item Pauli, Honori, Cypriani, Alberti, Thomæ, Hieronymi’, Heinrich Cornelius Agrippa von Nettesheim , De incertitudine et vanitate scientiarum et artium, atque excellentia verbi Dei declamatio / [Heinrich Cornelius Agrippa von Nettesheim] (Cologne: Baum, Theodor, 1556–1586, 1575), chapter 45.

  49. 49.

    ‘Est liber alius pestifer quatuor regum ex Dæmonum numero praenotatus, cuius initium est varium. Et nunc quidem incipit sic: Quicunque magicae artis: apud alios vero aliter inchoatur. Et hoc maledictum opus S. Martyri Cypriano mendaciter audent adscribere, quod ultimo supplico esset vetandum’, here quoted from Abraham Kall , ‘Formodninger om de hos vor almue under Cyprianus navn forekommende magiske bøger’, in Nye samling af Det Kongelige Danske Videnskabernes Selskabs Skrifter (Copenhagen: Trykt hos Johan Rudolph Thiele, 1799), p. 93 (italics in original).

  50. 50.

    See ibid., pp. 89–104. See also Rasmus Nyerup, Almindelig morskabslæsning i Danmark og Norge igjennem aarhundreder (Copenhagen: Seidelin, 1816), pp. 194–204.

  51. 51.

    ‘Da Cyprianus eengang var blevet en klassisk Forfatter i Magien, har man villet skaffe dette elendige Tøj Tillid ved at udgive det for hans Arbejde’, here quoted from Ferdinand Ohrt , Danmarks trylleformler: Innledning og tekst, vol. 1 (Copenhagen and Kristiania: Gyldendal, 1917), p. 50.

  52. 52.

    See, for example, Axel Olrik, ‘Salmonsens konversationsleksikon bind V: Cikorie-Demersale’, in Salmonsens konversationsleksikon (Copenhagen: J. H. Schultz Forlagsboghandel, 1916); Ohrt , ‘Cyprianus: Hans bog og hans bøn.’

  53. 53.

    Gustav Henningsen, ‘Witch Persecution after the Era of the Witch Trials. A Contribution to Danish Ethnohistory’, ARV Nordic Yearbook of Folklore 44 (1988): pp. 134–35. The book mentioned here might actually be a book first printed as early as 1520, then attributed to Doctor Faustus; see D. Faustus, Fausts dreifacher Höllenzwang (D.Faustus Magus Maximus Kundlingensis Original Dreyfacher Höllenzwang id est Die Ägyptische Schwarzkunst) (Unknown 1520). Other grimoires especially attributed to Doctor Faustus were printed in Germany throughout the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; see, for example, Fausti Höllenzwang oder Mirakul-Kunst und Wunder-Buch (Wittenberg, 1540); Doctor Faust’s großer und gewaltiger Meergeist, worinn Lucifer und drey Meergeister um Schätze aus den Gewässern zu holen, beschworen werden (Amsterdam 1692).

  54. 54.

    Although most manuscripts in my corpus are written in Danish with some Latin and the use of the secret alphabet (lønnskrift ), two manuscripts are in German: Dass Haupt=Buch von allen Kunst Stücken welche man möchte haben wollen dated 11 May 1783 in Gothenburg is written entirely in German with some parts in Latin and the secret alphabet ; see NB MS 8 108. The other manuscript, probably from the second half of the eighteenth century, uses Latin, Danish and German, which, along with the handwriting, implies two to three different writers; see NB MS 8 2124.

  55. 55.

    See Nyerup; R. Paulli, ed. Danske folkebøger fra 16. og 17. aarhundrede, vol. 12 (Copenhagen: Gyldendalske Boghandel, Nordisk Forlag, 1932). For an example of such popular books, see Den over hele verden berømte hertug af Luxenborg, forrige kongel franzõsiske general samt hofmarschal, hans pagt og forbund med Satan, hvilket han skal have indgaaet og sluttet da han anno 1659 sad fængslet udi bastillen til Paris; og bestaaer samme forbund af 28 poster, og begynte den 2den januar bemeldte aar, men endtes med forskrækkelse den 2den januar 1695, da den havde varet i 36 aar og midlertid er holdt heel geheim. tillige med en kort historie over hans tyranniske bedrifter og forvovne stykker. til advarsel fremstillet, at man baade skal troe, at djævle er til, saa og tage sig vare for at have noget at bestille med denne menneskens assagde fiende (Copenhagen, 1733).

  56. 56.

    This is documented in the bibliography assembled by Grethe Larsen, Sjælland, Lolland, Bornholm, ed. Erik Dal, vol. 1, Danske provinstryk 1482–1830: En bibliografi (Copenhagen: Det danske Sprog- og Litteraturselskab, 1994).

  57. 57.

    See Ohrt , Danmarks trylleformler: Innledning og tekst, 1; Danmarks trylleformler. Efterhøst og lønformler, vol. 2 (Copenhagen and Kristiania: Gyldendal, 1921). Book 1 is equipped with a comprehensive summary in English. A third book, based on Ohrt’s unpublished manuscript meant for a third volume, was published in 2012; see Danmarks trylleformler ved F. Ohrt. Iii efterhøst (2. del). Udgivet med forord, noter og registre af Peik Hoppe, Foreningen Danmarks Folkeminder Skriftserie vol. 90 (Copenhagen: Peik Hoppe and Foreningen Danmarks Folkeminder, 2012).

  58. 58.

    Cf. ‘Cyprianus: Hans bog og hans bøn’, p. 4.

  59. 59.

    See Thott 250, 8vo, DFS 83 Damgaards Cyprianus DFS 91 Kolstrup Cyprianus, and DFS 69 Møllers Cyprianus respectively, discussed by Ohrt in Danmarks trylleformler: Innledning og tekst, 1, pp. 71–123. The observant reader will notice that the title of the last manuscript mentioned here is identical with the Norwegian manuscript NB MS 4832. The Norwegian manuscript is beyond doubt the earliest and dated to around 1750, whereas the Danish is the latest and yet another Norwegian copy is dated to 1774–1775. See NFS Svartebok fra Stavanger .

  60. 60.

    See ibid., p. 87.

  61. 61.

    ‘Den Første Bog/ af mig/ Chriprianus Lyder saaledes som følger’ and ‘Den Anden Bog/ af mig/ Johann Faust ,/ Trolkarl og op lært i den Sorte-Kunste m.v.’, see DFS H. P. Hansen samling av Cyprianus’er: 2003/003 178. The third person attributed is a person called ‘Ramle’, who could be Jacob Ramel or Ramus, the latter a Danish bishop from Odense who lived from 1716 to 1785.

  62. 62.

    See, for instance, Rosenlundsamlingen A and 2, Ohrt , Danmarks trylleformler: Innledning og tekst, 1, pp. 85–87.

  63. 63.

    The information on and translations of the Swedish text have been collected from the unpublished thesis by Thomas Kevin Johnson, Tidebast och Vändelrot: Magical Representations in Swedish Black Art Book Tradition, Department of Scandinavian Studies (Seattle: University of Washington, 2010), pp. 149, 426. Johnson’s thesis is the most comprehensive Swedish study of Black Books conducted thus far, presenting an impressive transcription of 35 manuscripts in an extended appendix. The most central work on the earlier stages of Swedish Black Books was written by the professor in religion at Uppsala University, Carl-Martin Edsman; see Carl-Martin Edsman, ‘Folklig sed med rot i heden tid’, ARV Nordic Yearbook of Folklore II (1946): 145–76; ‘Sjätte och Sjunde Mosebok’, Saga och sed Kungl. Gustav Adolfs Akademiens årsbok 1962 (1963): 63–102.

  64. 64.

    Johnson, pp. 214, 712.

  65. 65.

    ‘Sankt Petri Nyckel’ and ‘Salomoniska magiska konster’, see ibid., pp. 185, 87. See also Bengt af Klintberg, Svenska trollformler (Stockholm: Wahlström & Widstrand, 1965), pp. 21–27; Åsa Ljungström, ‘The Missing Books of Magic from Sandvik. In Search for Hidden Books and Secret Knowledge’, Approaching Religion 4, no. 1 (2014): 73–79.

  66. 66.

    See Klintberg, p. 23.

  67. 67.

    For a comprehensive study of magic in the Nordic middle ages and the most recent study of Icelandic magic books , see respectively Stephen A. Mitchell, Witchcraft and Magic in the Nordic Middle Ages (Philadelphia, PA and Oxford: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011), pp. 46–49; ‘Leechbooks, Manuals, and Grimoires: On the Early History of Magical Texts in Scandinavia’, in Arv: Nordic Yearbook of Folklore, ed. Aðalheiður Guðmundsdóttir and Ane Ohrvik (Uppsala: Swedish Science Press, 2014), pp. 57–74.

  68. 68.

    See, for instance, some of the translated Icelandic magic books available, here represented by Ólafur Davíðsson, ‘Islændische Zauberzeichen Und Zauberbycher’, Zeitschrift des Vereins für Volkskunde in Berlin, no. 2 (1903); M. Rafnsson, Tvær Galdraskræður: Lbs 2413 8vo: Leyniletursskræðan Lbs 764 8vo (Hólmavík, Strandir: Museum of Icelandic Sorcery & Witchcraft, Strandagaldur, 2008); Ögmundur Helgason, ‘Foreword’, in Galdrakver, ed. Rannver H. Hannesson Emilía Sigmarsdóttir, Ögmundur Helgason (Reykjavik: Landsbókasafn Íslands Háskólabóksafn, 2004), pp. 143–75; S. E. Flowers, The Galdrabók: An Icelandic Book of Magic (Rûna-Raven Press, 2005).

  69. 69.

    See, for instance, Lynn Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science: 8 Vols (New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 1923–1958), vol. 2, pp. 279–89; Claire Fanger, ‘Plundering the Egyptian Treasure: John the Monk’s Book of Visions and Its Relation to the Ars Notoria of Salomon’, in Conjuring Spirits: Texts and Traditions of Medieval Ritual Magic, ed. Claire Fanger, Magic in History (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998), pp. 216–49; Frank Klaasen, ‘English Manuscripts of Magic, 1300–1500: A Preliminary Survey’, ibid., pp. 14–19; Owen Davies, Grimoires: A History of Magic Books (Oxford and New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2009), pp. 12–17.

  70. 70.

    See WL MS 4666, WL MS 4667 and WL MS 4662 respectively. See also WL MS 983 from 1709 with the following title: Ou livre 1 des Clavicules de Salomon ou Rabin hébreu contenant les secrets surnaturels qu’y s’opérent par la puissance des démons.

  71. 71.

    Joseph H. Peterson, ed. Grimorium Verum (Scotts Valley, CA: CreateSpace Publishing, 2007), p. 1.

  72. 72.

    See Davies, pp. 34–35.

  73. 73.

    See, for instance, WL ms 3402 from 1801, which is ascribed to Pope Honorius in full, and WL ms 4666 from the mid-eighteenth century in which the fourth part of the book has been ascribed to him.

  74. 74.

    Richard Kieckhefer’s study of a fifteenth-century necromancer manual is but one example of such productions ; see Richard Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites: A Necromancer’s Manual of the Fifteenth Century, 4th ed. (Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2006).

  75. 75.

    The book is thoroughly presented in David Rankine and Stephen Skinner, The Grimoire of Saint Cyprian. Clavis Inferni (Singapore: Golden Hoard Press, 2009).

  76. 76.

    Claire Fanger distinguishes between the genre of ‘ritual magic ’ containing demonic and angelic magic and the genre of spells , charms and folk magic. Ritual magic most often derives from a literate Christian medieval environment with Arabic neo-Platonic and Jewish textual inspirations. See Fanger, ‘Medieval Ritual Magic: what it is and why we need to know more about it’, pp. vii–xviii.

  77. 77.

    cf. Max W. Thomas, ‘Reading and Writing the Renaissance Commonplace Book: A Question of Authorship?’, in The Construction of Authorship: Textual Appropriation in Law and Literature, Post-contemporary Interventions, ed. Martha Woodmansee and Peter Jaszi (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1994), pp. 411–12; Marlon B. Ross, ‘Authority and Authenticity: Scribbling Authors and the Genius of Print in Eighteenth-Century England ’, ibid., p. 235.

  78. 78.

    See Alastair Minnis , Medieval Theory of Authorship: Scholastic Literary Attitudes in the Later Middle Ages, 2nd ed., Middle Ages Series (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1988). Here quoted from Thomas, p. 412 (italics in original).

  79. 79.

    See Steven Shapin , A Social History of Truth: Civility and Science in Seventeenth-Century England, ed. David L. Hull, Science and Its Conceptual Foundations series (Chicago, IL, and London: University of Chicago Press, 1994).

  80. 80.

    ‘Og Ieg Siphrianus Jesu Chresti tiener/ maner alt det Onde som er komen paa denne gaar/ eller grund at det/ skal for visne og forsvinde/ som Kul i for aaret som salt for Rindende Vand/ og snee for den hede sold og under en Jorfast sten/ som i Jorden staar og aldrig udgaar i gienem/ det sted det er komen i fra og det i 3 navn/ gud fader gud sønd og gud den hellig aand amen/’, see NB MS 8 640a.

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Ohrvik, A. (2018). Attributing Knowledge. In: Medicine, Magic and Art in Early Modern Norway. Palgrave Historical Studies in Witchcraft and Magic. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-46742-3_4

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