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Multilingualism in a Drifting Family

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Southern Min (Hokkien) as a Migrating Language

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Abstract

This chapter presents a detailed study of a Hokkien family migrating from Fujian to Burma in the 1940s and subsequent emigrations of some members in the next generation from Burma to Macao in 1971 and to San Francisco in 1981. These emigrations typically involved children of a young age. Coping with linguistic scenarios varying from one country to another, the emigrants had to make adjustments to the dominant language in a different society. This longitudinal study of an extended family over a period of almost half a century involves unusually rich linguistic experiences, allowing an analysis of language shift in multilingual settings. This adds a third dimension, an intra-familial one, to the micro-interactional and macro-societal perspectives on studies of bilingualism [cf. Li (Three generations, two languages, one family: language choice and language shift in a Chinese community in Britain, 1994)]. A theory, the Youngest Child Model , is proposed to differentiate subtle differences that may exist between children of the same generation in an immigrant family. This theory highlights the fact that sociolinguistic change occurs on a continuum.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    This situation has changed in the past two decades.

  2. 2.

    The estimated percentage of dialect distribution is from Skinner (1951, p. 3), cited by Mya (1997).

  3. 3.

    Xu (2007) took these two parameters into consideration in her study of the use of Hokkien in Singapore . She conducted interviews with 80 subjects bilingual in Hokkien and Mandarin , collecting self-ratings of their use of these two languages, first in 1980 and then in 2000. Tests on fluency in controlled situations and on day-to-day vocabulary were also performed to determine subjects’ competence in the languages at the time of interview.

  4. 4.

    To control foreigners such as these living in their country, the Burmese governments handled their legal status by passing a number of laws such as the Foreigners Registration Act of 1940 and the 1948 Union of Burma Citizenship Act (Mya 1997, pp. 133–134).

  5. 5.

    Hong Kong became the production center of Hokkien movies for two reasons: being the Hollywood of the East, it had the necessary facilities and personnel, and, more importantly, many actors and actresses who were native speakers of Hokkien left mainland China for Hong Kong in the late 1940s.

  6. 6.

    The kind of shock experienced by this small child was extremely mild, and not at all comparable to the horrible experiences of children of about his age in Taiwan during the early 1970s, where pupils would be punished for speaking even a word of Hokkien in schools (see Sandel 2003, pp. 535–536).

  7. 7.

    This age is chosen on account of a person’s limited domain for social interaction before becoming a teenager and relative stability in a language spoken past the age of ten.

  8. 8.

    For instance, Waters and Jiménez (2005, p. 110) observe in American society that ‘the immigrant generation … remains dominant in their native tongue, the second generation is bilingual , and the third generation speaks English only’.

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Correspondence to Picus Sizhi Ding .

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Ding, P.S. (2016). Multilingualism in a Drifting Family. In: Southern Min (Hokkien) as a Migrating Language. SpringerBriefs in Linguistics. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-287-594-5_2

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-287-594-5_2

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