Abstract
With new analyses of Statistics Canada data from the census and the annual Labour Force Survey and other sources, we examine the trends and current situation of teachers and students in rural (versus urban) Canada. The research literature documents concern about the ability of rural communities to attract and keep experienced teachers and closures of small rural schools. After considering trends in the number of school-aged children, the number of graduates from Bachelor of Education programmes in Canada, and the number of teachers hired in Canadian schools, we present details of the employment situation of rural and urban teachers. We find few overall rural–urban differences in teacher employment experience, including various measures of “teacher turnover”, which perhaps reflects the strength of teacher unions. However, there are important differences among rural areas, with those areas farthest from urban centres showing more teacher mobility. Looking at the important intersection of Aboriginal Identity and rural location, we discover that much of the well-documented overall rural–urban difference in high school dropout rates reflects the differential distribution and the complex situation facing those with an Aboriginal Identity. Implications for research and policy are briefly explored. (Detailed charts by province are available in Bollman, 2020.)
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Notes
- 1.
Some of the data presented are available on Statistics Canada website, but most of the reported data come from special requests submitted to Statistics Canada, and are not elsewhere published. The authors would like to acknowledge the funding provided by the Norwegian Research Council for the generation of these special tabulations. These data are now in the public domain and are available from the authors upon request. Selected charts by province are provided in Bollman (2020).
- 2.
We acknowledge that the term “Indigenous” has replaced the term “Aboriginal” in some recent discourse. We have chosen to use the designation of “Aboriginal” Identity because that is the term still being used in the Labour Force Survey and was used in the 2016 Census of Population, when respondents were asked whether they identified as an Aboriginal. Aboriginal Identity was derived from data collected in three questions: (1) Aboriginal group (respondents could respond “Yes, First Nations (North American Indian)”, “Yes, Métis”, “Yes, Inuk (Inuit)” or “No, not an Aboriginal person”); (2) Registered or Treaty Indian status (“No” or “Yes, Status Indian (Registered or Treaty)”); and (3) Membership in a First Nation or Indian band (‘No’ or “Yes, member of a First Nation/Indian band”). Aboriginal Identity is a derived variable. For more information on the input variables for the Aboriginal Identity variable in the 2016 Census of Population, refer to the definitions for Aboriginal group, Registered or Treaty Indian Status and Membership in a First Nation or Indian Band (Statistics Canada 2018). Statistics Canada notes that users should be aware that the estimates associated with this variable are more affected than most by the incomplete enumeration of certain Indian reserves and Indian settlements in the Census of Population. For additional information on the collection and dissemination of Aboriginal data, including incompletely enumerated reserves and settlements, refer to the Aboriginal Peoples Reference Guide, Census of Population, 2016 and the Aboriginal Peoples Technical Report, Census of Population, 2016.
- 3.
- 4.
See Bollman (2020) for details.
- 5.
The Rural Ontario Institute (ROI) is one of the few organizations which regularly publishes systematic statistical data on rural areas. The ROI has chosen the “metro vs. non-metro” delineation to portray the urban and rural population in Ontario in their series of “Focus on Rural Ontario” Factsheets (Rural Ontario Institute 2013–Present).
- 6.
A census subdivision (CSD) is the general term for municipalities (as determined by provincial/territorial legislation) or areas treated as municipal equivalents for statistical purposes (e.g. Indian reserves, Indian settlements, and unorganized territories) (Statistics Canada 2018).
- 7.
Bollman (2017) presents the interesting finding that many rural communities are growing. However, since a key part of being a “rural” community is population size, when a community grows past a certain size, it is reclassified as “urban”. So, rural “success stories” are often lost as communities become reclassified. See Fig. 4 in Bollman and Clemenson (2008) and their appendix “The rural quandary: Analyzing geographic data over time” that describes the quandary between reporting data over time for the “rural concept” or for a specific geographic delineation.
- 8.
The decision about whether to close or amalgamate a rural school typically falls to the local school board or the provincial Department of Education. However, one could argue that the underlying population dynamic is more the purview of the local social and economic development agencies, working with the community to attract and keep young families with school-aged children. The school administration is typically blamed for the decision to close a school where, arguably, it is the mandate of community stakeholders to maintain and to build the school-age population in order to justify keeping the school open. That said, see Corbett and Mulcahy (2006). This debate is the context within which we provide selected statistical indicators related to rural schools. For a map of the pattern of community growth and decline in Canada, see Beshiri and Bollman (2001), Mwansa and Bollman (2005) and Slide 21 in Bollman (2018).
- 9.
- 10.
- 11.
Since education is a provincial jurisdiction in Canada, the relevant age groups for elementary and secondary schooling differ. Differences exist in: the compulsory ages to start schooling, the age to which compulsory attendance continues; and the breakdown in “levels” of schooling. Some provinces have “junior high” years, others do not, and those that do have a “junior high” level, do not always include the same grades of schooling. Quebec has “CEGEP” (Collège d'enseignement général et professionnel), a publicly funded pre-university, post-high school system, which most students attend after grade 11, while most other provinces have a grade 12 in high school. Given this variation, there is no one cut-off in ages that “best” captures “elementary” and “secondary” students in Canada as a whole. Our choice of ages for the cut-off reflects the best match to various provincial schooling systems.
- 12.
See Bollman (2020) for the assumptions for the different growth scenarios.
- 13.
Charts for each province and territory for those 6–14 years of age and those 15–18 years of age are presented in Bollman (2020).
- 14.
Recall the caveat that we are using the assumptions in a “medium growth” projection and these projections were published in 2014 (Statistics Canada 2014).
- 15.
- 16.
All of Prince Edward Island is classified as “non-metro” so there is no comparison possible in that province.
- 17.
Note that, in 2015, Ontario halved the number of admissions to Bachelor of Education programs and extended the program from a 1-year program to a 2-year program. Thus, we show a drop from 2015 to 2016 in Ontario and, therefore, in the totals for Canada. The data for 2017 and 2018 on the number of Bachelor of Education graduates were not available when this chapter was drafted.
- 18.
This section focuses on data from the Labour Force Survey (LFS), with details available from 1997–1998 to 2017–2018. The LFS gathers data each month from a sample of Canadians, 15 years of age and over. The employment questions tend to focus on employment in the week preceding the survey. “Teachers” include elementary and kindergarten teachers (National Occupational Code (NOC) code 4032), plus secondary school teachers (NOC 4031). Where relevant, we focus on employment during the school months, September to June.
- 19.
For the remainder of this chapter, where appropriate, we will focus on the rural–urban trends rather than showing both the totals and the rural–urban breakdown. Also note that respondents to the LFS are assigned to the location of their residence and not to the location of their job.
- 20.
Note that the ratio we compute is not a simple “student/teacher” ratio, in classroom terms, since not all individuals employed as teachers in these two occupations are necessarily in the classroom. And clearly some classrooms would have higher and some lower ratios.
- 21.
The number of B.Ed. graduates is based on the spring graduation and the employment level is based on the average level of employment from September in the same year to June of the following year.
- 22.
Note that our use of a 3-year moving median means that the observation for 2015/2016 presents the median value for the three years of 2014/2015, 2015/2016 and 2016/2017 and thus the lower number of B.Ed. graduates in Ontario in 2016 is not reflected in this chart. When the 2017 data becomes available, then the lower number of B.Ed. graduates in 2016 and 2017 will determine the 3-year moving median for 2016/2017. A chart with the annual data is presented in Bollman (2020).
- 23.
The Ontario decision to enrol one-half the number of students in B.Ed. programs will impact the Canada-level patterns going forward from 2016 (See Fig. 6).
- 24.
It is not clear from the wording of the LFS whether contract employees who are rehired by the same employer in September for several years would say they are recently hired or say that they had a worked for the same employer for several years.
- 25.
As noted above, our use of a 3-year moving median means that the observation for 2015/2016 presents the median value for the three years of 2014/2015, 2015/2016 and 2016/2017 and thus the lower number of B.Ed. graduates in Ontario in 2016 is not reflected in this chart. When the 2017 data becomes available, then the lower number of B.Ed. graduates in 2016 and 2017 will determine the 3-year moving median for 2016/2017. A chart with the annual data is presented in Bollman (2020).
- 26.
The Ontario decision to enrol one-half the number of students in B.Ed. programs will impact the Canada-level patterns going forward.
- 27.
There are some interesting and important differences in the rates of temporary contracts over time, by province/region of the country. See Bollman (2020).
- 28.
About three-quarters of teachers employed on a part-time basis are females who are “voluntarily” working part-time (data not shown).
- 29.
By city/town/municipality, we are specifically referring to the Statistics Canada concept of a census subdivision. Census subdivision (CSD) is the general term for municipalities (as determined by provincial/territorial legislation) or areas treated as municipal equivalents for statistical purposes (e.g. Indian reserves, Indian settlements and unorganized territories) (Statistics Canada 2018). Generally, a CSD is a unit of local government to whom one pays property taxes and is the jurisdiction that maintains roads, collects garbage, etc. Many CSDs are small—both small in population size and small in geographic area. For example, Plenty, Saskatchewan is a CSD because it is an incorporated place. Its land area is 0.65 square kilometres and the 2016 population was 164 residents. However, the CSD of the City of Ottawa has a land area of 2790 square kilometres and a 2016 population of 934 thousand. One could move over 90 kilometres within the CSD of Ottawa still be classified as “not moving” (i.e. not changing the CSD of residence from one-year ago or from five-years ago). We would expect our measure of geographic mobility as an indicator of “turnover” of teachers in schools would underestimate the geographic mobility of teachers in cities as city teachers could change schools but not change their CSD of residence. However, in sparsely population areas (such as Plenty, Saskatchewan), most teachers who change schools would also change their CSD of residence. Thus, we suggest that geographic mobility as a measure of teacher mobility provides more useful information on teacher turnover specifically in rural areas.
- 30.
- 31.
Note that the scale in the two figures (the vertical axes) is different, to accommodate the higher turnover rate over a five-year period (Fig. 22) compared to the one-year turnover rate (Fig. 21). This difference creates a difference in the visual impact of the rural–urban difference in the two graphs. However, it is important to take into account the corresponding numbers and size of the actual difference when interpreting them.
- 32.
More detailed analyses (not shown) make it clear that using a population cut-off of less than 10,000 rather cut-off of less than 100,000 makes no difference to these trends. The trend line for rural areas is identical for the two ways of representing “rural”.
- 33.
In these two figures “school” attendance includes attendance at any educational institution, including a CEGEP, a community college, trade school or university.
- 34.
The decision to consider high school drop-out (non-completion) rates by the location of the individual’s residence when they were 15–17 years of age was to allow an examination of the differential graduation rates of the rural versus urban schools they attended earlier.
- 35.
Data sources for those with an Aboriginal Identity are more limited than is true for some of the other data we have reported. The LFS, the source of our time trends, does not include residents of Indian Reserves. Since identification of Aboriginal Identity in census data relies on self-identification, and the numbers self-identifying in this way have increased with each census, it is difficult to interpret changes over time. Therefore, this section focuses on data from the 2016 census.
- 36.
See Bollman (2020) for data on the percent of Aboriginals in each age group within metro and nonmetro areas in each province and territory . There are considerable differences in the concentration of those with an Aboriginal Identity by province/territory, and there are also important differences in the concentration of those with an Aboriginal Identity by age and province/territory. Not surprisingly, there are high concentrations of those self-identifying as Aboriginal in the three northern territories. Note also the high concentrations in both metro and non-metro areas in Manitoba and Saskatchewan. The age distribution of those with an Aboriginal Identity in these provinces means that, in the next few decades, 35–40% of those entering the labour force in non-metro areas, and just under 20% of those in metro areas in those provinces, will be those with an Aboriginal Identity.
- 37.
Comparing the pattern found in Fig. 31, for the year 2016, with the equivalent results for 2001 (Bollman 2020) it is evident that (a) the overall finding is the same in both years: most of the rural—urban difference in high school completion rates is a reflection of rural–urban differences in concentrations of those with an Aboriginal Identity. (b) From 2001 to 2016, high school completion rates have increased (i.e. drop-out rates have declined) for both those with and those without an Aboriginal Identity. For those 20–22 years of age with an Aboriginal Identity, the drop-out rate went from 46% in 2001 to 29% in 2016; for non-Aboriginal youth 20–22 years of age the rates declined from 16 to 8% over the same time period.
- 38.
The labour shortfall (fewer individuals projected to enter the labour force than are exiting it) has been and will be more pronounced in some provinces than others. It has been and will be less pronounced in Manitoba, Alberta and Saskatchewan (Bollman 2020).
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Looker, E.D., Bollman, R.D. (2020). Setting the Stage: Overview of Data on Teachers and Students in Rural and Urban Canada. In: Corbett, M., Gereluk, D. (eds) Rural Teacher Education. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-2560-5_2
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