Abstract
Within the Gulf Cooperation Council states such as Qatar, societal changes are rapidly taking place that have lasting effects on the political culture of the region. Specifically, studies have identified the rise of a participatory type of new nationalism that is characterized by the mobilization of the citizenry in support of both the state and its ruling monarchs (Diwan, Gulf Societies in Transition: National Identity and National Projects in the Arab Gulf States. Washington, DC: The Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington, 2016). In Gulf rentier states where welfare distribution and tribal affiliation are interlinked, individual Gulf citizens are negotiating their own identities in relation to the nation, whether in regard to tribal affiliation, Islamic identity, or other aspects of belonging depending on the dynamics of inclusivity in their specific country contexts. As political culture is not inert but changes in relation to transformations in society (Molchanoy 2002), this study explores the impact of recent developments in state-society relations and national identity on the political culture of Qatar. Opting to collect data on the political opinions, attitudes, and values of a segment of the Qatari population through structured interviews similar to those found within previous larger-scale studies on political culture (Inglehart, Modernization and Post Modernization. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997) alongside a textual analysis of official government publications, this study employs a qualitative methodology to explore the political culture in Qatar and its relationship to state-society relations as it is experienced or ‘lived’ (Ely et al., Doing Qualitative Research: Circles Within Circles. London: Falmer, 1991) by Qatari citizens. Findings argue that traditional Qatari political culture is predominantly based on two sets of individual orientations: deference and the mutual expectations of the welfare state system as these relate to human capital dynamics. Due to recent societal transformations in Qatar and their impact on how its citizenry views national identity, we find that Qatari political culture may be undergoing changes that could have lasting and long-term impacts on the nature of state-society relations in this tiny, Gulf monarchy.
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Notes
- 1.
However, critics of Almond and Verba’s conceptualization of political culture may argue that it implicitly supports the cultural diffusion of Anglo-Saxon values—considered a hidden type of Eurocentrism or cultural Imperialism—by claiming the efficacy of these values to mediate the contradictions of democratic systems.
- 2.
As noted by Dalton and Welzel (2014), early public opinion polls and representative mass surveys could not be conducted for large parts of the developing and Communist world during the period within which Almond and Verba introduced the term ‘political culture’. Thus, the quantitative data on the values and norms of nondemocratic society were sparse, which is perhaps one practical reason that this seminal study focused on the political and civic culture of Western democracies.
- 3.
Diwan refers to the Amiri Diwan, which is “the seat of rule of the State of Qatar. It is the sovereign body and the administrative office of HH The Amir. It acts as a nexus between His Highness and all governmental and non-governmental bodies internally and externally.” https://www.diwan.gov.qa/amiri-diwan/about-the-amiri-diwan
- 4.
The majlis is a traditional social institution in all Arab Gulf States that is often located within the foyer of homes, which provides a place where men can gather to discuss a wide variety of issues, including society and politics.
- 5.
A variety of hashtags enjoyed widespread popularity and were retweeted by Qatari citizens and expatriates alike in both Arabic and English including #iloveqatar, #qatarisnotalone, #istandwithqatar, #fiftydayssincetheseige, #QatarWins, #WeAreQatar, #TamimtheGlorious, #Tamimalmajd—to name only a few.
- 6.
An analysis of anti-Qatar propaganda bots on Twitter by Jones (2017) identified the presence of an organized, orchestrated campaign to spread claims against Qatar and finds that such bots are a cyber-tool used during the crisis as a form of intra-GCC diplomatic warfare; “Hacking, bots and information wars in the Qatar spat”. Project on Middle Eastern Political Science Briefings: The Qatar Crisis 31 (October 2017).
- 7.
Qatar appoints four women to Shura Council. (2017). Retrieved from http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/11/qatar-appoints-women-shura-council-171109165044169.html
- 8.
For additional references, refer to Mujani, S. Religious Democrats: Democratic Culture and Muslim Political Participation in Post-Suharto Indonesia. Unpublished PhD Dissertation. (Ohio State University, 2003), 349–350.
- 9.
Ibid.
- 10.
This refers to the sermon that is given during the Friday noon prayer that male Muslims of the age of maturity are required to pray in congregation. This sermon may be crafted to address current political, social, or economic concerns.
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Dogan Akkas, B., Camden, G. (2020). Political Culture in Qatar: State-Society Relations and National Identity in Transformation. In: Karolak, M., Allam, N. (eds) Gulf Cooperation Council Culture and Identities in the New Millennium. Contemporary Gulf Studies. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-1529-3_4
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