Abstract
Asia’s rapid economic transformation is the defining event of the twenty-first century, popularly held to be restructuring the locus of global economic activity and with it the contours of the international geo-strategic and political order. But beyond Asia’s rise as ‘factory to the world’, there has also been sustained effort to develop higher education in the region and to evolve research and knowledge capacity that will reposition Asia at the forefront of the global knowledge-economy, driving research and scientific innovation. Investment in the region’s higher education systems has thus grown enormously in the last three decades, with governments increasingly motivated to position their economies competitively and develop higher education systems of world-class standing. Despite these ambitions and the provision of enormous resources, however, this chapter argues that there remain substantial barriers to reform and to the emergence of higher education systems able to meet the rising expectations of the region’s policymakers. To demonstrate our argument, we survey several higher education systems across Asia, grouped by region (Southeast and Northeast Asia) and analysed in relation to a series of qualitative institutional, political and social contexts: firstly, what we term higher education governance indicators such as merit-based recruitment, promotion and remuneration, censorship, institutional and academic autonomy (among others); and secondly, quantitative performance-based indicators such as bibliometric and research performance, reputational and esteem rankings. We draw upon the comparative conceptual framework developed by Dobbins, Knill and Vögtle (Higher Education 62:665–683, 2011) that sees governance of higher education (HE) as interrelated processes of control, coordination and the allocation of autonomy between three levels—the state, professoriate and university management—and broadly reflected in three typologies of governance: (a) state centred; (b) market-oriented; and (c) academic self-governance (Dobbins et al. in Higher Education 62:665–683, 2011), and highlight the continuing dominance of state-centred (often political) governance of higher education in Asia.
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Notes
- 1.
The BRICS formed into a loose international coalition (initially without South Africa) in a summit in 2008; it collaborated to create the BRICS Development Bank in 2014, driven and substantially resourced by China, and now referred to as the New Development Bank, headquartered in Shanghai. Much like its namesake idiom, however, with domestic political and economic disruptions in Russia, Brazil and South Africa, the international significance of the forum relative to other multilateral groups has diminished (see Abdenur and Folly 2015).
- 2.
The only other examples are Brunei Darussalam (US$32,860) whose wealth is singularly attributable to resource extraction (oil) and Macau, SAR, China (US$65,130) which derives 88% of its entire GDP from ‘gambling services’.
- 3.
GNI per capita, Atlas method, current US$; see World Bank (2017).
- 4.
We recognise that university rankings are not the ultimate measure of excellence or achievements in teaching and research. Rather, they capture a broad cross section of performance metrics in research, teaching, internationalisation and other related esteem measures. We use only the Times Higher Education World Universities Rankings (THE WUR) data; we believe this is the most objective of all the available university rankings indices insofar as it does not use surveys based predominantly on reputational perceptions but metrics drawn from five areas weighted as follows: teaching (30% of the total score), research (30%), citations (30%), international outlook (7.5%) and industry income (2.5%). See https://www.timeshighereducation.com/world-university-rankings/methodology-world-university-rankings-2018. (See also Hazelkorn 2017; Marope et al. 2013; Pratt 2013; Pusser and Marginson 2013).
- 5.
The World Bank estimates that research productivity per academic staff is roughly around 0.4 research outputs per year, well below international standards (Negara and Benveniste 2014, p. 36).
- 6.
The extremely low base of research output is also noted by the OECD in the organisation’s country background report, which highlighted that ‘an increase in research output and research papers in recognised international journals written by Indonesian researchers’, in part reflected ‘co-operation with foreign researchers’, and grew ‘from 578 research papers in 2000 to 1142 papers in 2008’—significant growth to be sure but still lagging behind equivalent-sized economies (OECD/ADB 2015, p. 202).
- 7.
Indonesia performs least well relative to other countries in Asia in terms of citations per document. In 2016, for example, citations per document were 1.26 (Pelupesssy, 2017).
- 8.
The universities classified as Autonomous Public Universities (PTN-BH) include: University of Indonesia, Bogor Agricultural University, Institute of Technology Bandung, Gadjah Mada University, University of North Sumatra, Indonesia Educational University and Airlangga University. Four other public universities are also in the process of acquiring autonomous public university status: Padjadjaran University, Diponegoro University, Nopember Institute of Technology and Hasanuddin University (Moeliodihardjo 2014, p. 4).
- 9.
HEIs consist of universities, institutes of technical education, colleges, polytechnics and academies.
- 10.
Most notably RMIT University Vietnam (the Vietnamese branch of the Australian research university the Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology) and the British University, Vietnam.
- 11.
Jean-Pierre Lehmann blames the declining fortunes of Japanese universities in international league tables a consequence of poor and declining levels of internationalisation, noting that ‘Japan, a very open country during the 1960s and 1970s, has become inward-looking’ and that Japanese ‘universities share an important part of the blame’ (Lehmann 2017).
- 12.
By one estimate, Project 985 universities enjoy 10 per cent of total national research expenditure while accounting for only 3 per cent of the nation’s researchers, bestowing on them an extraordinary level of resources compared to a typical Chinese university (THE WUR 2017).
- 13.
Information also ascertained through interviews with Chinese scholars at elite universities (i.e. DFCP-designated universities).
- 14.
Average salaries for fresh graduates from non-elite universities in 2017, for example, were reported at 4000 yuan (US$588) a month which is insufficient to meet living needs in most urban environments in China (Zuo, 2017).
- 15.
These issues likely account for the fact that of all overseas-trained Chinese scholars, between 70 and 80% do not return home—a figure that Altbach and de Wit indicate has been holding steady (Altbach and de Wit 2018, p. 25).
- 16.
Although historically, of course, Singapore was notorious for disciplining academic labour and for controls on free speech, including deportation (through revoking employment visas) of foreign academic labour.
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Jarvis, D.S.L., Mok, K.H. (2019). The Political Economy of Higher Education Governance in Asia: Challenges, Trends and Trajectories. In: Jarvis, D., Mok, K. (eds) Transformations in Higher Education Governance in Asia. Higher Education in Asia: Quality, Excellence and Governance. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-9294-8_1
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