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The Production of the Problem of Difference in Neoliberal Educational Policies

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Ethnography and Education Policy

Part of the book series: Education Policy & Social Inequality ((EPSI,volume 3))

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Abstract

Within the framework of an educational system based on administrative and financial neoliberal principles, this chapter responds to questions related to how educational policies produce and circulate discourses of difference and how such discourses play out in schools. The aim is to problematize Chilean educational policies of inclusion focusing specifically on mechanisms of production, operation, and articulation, as well as the ways educational actors circulate discourses of difference. To do this, I analyze three components: (1) policy documents, (2) the administering body, and (3) the school by unpacking discourses related to the policy of school community life and the inclusion of students with special needs. These discourses are tied to government rationality that develops the problem as a depoliticized matter of identity, linked to the deficit or lack of particular student subjectivities and therein, points to the objectification and management of, and intervention on social and cultural differences in a neoliberalized educational system.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    I use the notion of neoliberalism proposed by theorists like Brown (2015), Laval and Dardot (2013), who under the inspiration of Michel Foucault, consider rationality as a particular form of reason that configures all aspects of human existence in economic terms. Therefore, its scope would be given by the management of conduct and the production of subjectivities, under the principle of maximum freedom, and above all under the central premise of the “economization” of the different dimensions of life, whose impact does not only respond to the monetization of everyday behaviors and activities, but also refers to the commercialization and managerialization of noneconomic valuation schemes, such as education, health, and justice, among others. In Brown’s (2015) words: “as an order of normative reason that, when it becomes ascendant, takes shape as a governing rationality extending a specific formulation of economic values, practices, and metrics to every dimension of human life” (p. 30).

  2. 2.

    By discourse, I refer to the basic unit of social configuration, which is independent of the substratum that supports it (linguistic or extralinguistic), allows us to understand social organization (Scott 1992). There are three central components that are densely articulated: discourse-power-knowledge. In Foucault’s words: “the practices that systematically form the objects of which they speak” (Foucault 2011b, p. 68).

  3. 3.

    When I discuss the legislative framework of inclusion or Chilean diversity policies, I refer to policy as a document. I include in that category the set of laws, policies, and orientations in relation to the issues of diversity and inclusion. In the Chilean case, they have been developed from identitary marks (social class, disability, gender, ethnicity, among others).

  4. 4.

    Sur Austral is an elementary school located in a peripheral sector of a southern Chilean city. The student body is made up of students of low socioeconomic status, classified according to public policy as an at-risk population due to the School Vulnerability Index (90%). One of its particularities is the large decrease in enrollment within the last 10 years, dropping from 1,000 students to now 300 students. This led the school to open its doors to all policies that would allow it to survive financially. That is why Sur Austral relies economically on two critical programs: the School Integration Program (SIP) and the Preferential School Subsidy Law (SEP Law). Likewise, it also has a multidisciplinary professional team dedicated to the SIP and school climate. This is composed of: three psychologists, one social worker, one occupational therapist, one speech therapist, and five special education teachers.

  5. 5.

    In 2005, the number of students belonging to SIP amounts to 41,023 (Tenorio 2011). In 2011, with the implementation of Decree 170, those numbers increased to 130,139 students; in 2013, they increased to 221,416 students (Fundación Chile 2013). In 2014, there were 251,092 students who belonged to SIP (MINEDUC 2015) and in 2016, that number increased to 319,217 students (MINEDUC 2017), of which 17.6% corresponded to students diagnosed with an intellectual disability; a percentage that almost triples the prevalence of intellectual disability according to international literature (Fuenzalida 2014).

  6. 6.

    The Policy of School Community Life, framed within the Chilean Law of School Violence, corresponds to a set of regulations and technical guidelines that regulate the school climate within Chilean schools. Its assumption is to guarantee the basic conditions necessary for the achievement of quality learning (MINEDUC 2011a, b) from the regulation of sanctions in case of violent acts, to matters of prevention of school bullying, and other transversal issues such as citizen formation, sexual, and environmental education (MINEDUC 2011a, b).

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Correspondence to Marcela Apablaza .

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Apablaza, M. (2019). The Production of the Problem of Difference in Neoliberal Educational Policies. In: Matus, C. (eds) Ethnography and Education Policy. Education Policy & Social Inequality, vol 3. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8445-5_5

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