China’s Peaceful Development and Transformation of International Order (1985–2015)

Abstract

The creation and gradual improvement of China’s peaceful development road depends not only on the implementation of domestic strategies but also, to a great extent, on successful international engagements. Thus, this represents the joining of domestic and international arrangements. At the international level, China’s road shares a natural relation with the reform of the international order. It can be said that the achievement of a stable international order symbolizes a great power’s true success. The construction of an international order is a strategic and diplomatic topic that every rising great power should address. As China ascends, the world is looking to see how China will address and participate in reshaping the international order (RIO). It will also become an important template for those countries waiting to see the effect of China’s rise.

The creation and gradual improvement of China’s peaceful development road depends not only on the implementation of domestic strategies but also, to a great extent, on successful international engagements. Thus, this represents the joining of domestic and international arrangements. At the international level, China’s road shares a natural relation with the reform of the international order. It can be said that the achievement of a stable international order symbolizes a great power’s true success.¹ The construction of an international order is a strategic and diplomatic topic that every rising great power should address. As China ascends, the world is looking to see how China will address and participate in reshaping the international order (RIO). It will also become an important template for those countries waiting to see the effect of China’s rise.

The rise and fall of countries, globalization, and regional integration are the three impetuses behind the world’s current evolution. A nation’s rise and fall have occurred since ancient times and represents the fundamental motivation to form and create a world presence. Globalization and regional integration are complementary, and push forward the rise and fall of great powers as well as influence the characteristics of such ascents and declines. Globalization can lead to a new period of development and decline for a country, as well as acting to advance the process of regional cooperation. Globalization is changing the operating rules of the world system and further emphasizes the “democratic deficit” of the existing international order. It not only brings forth new opportunities for countries but also (and inevitably) generates destructive power. Nations want to join in the globalization process but are fearful of being too removed to do so. Furthermore, they have noticed that in the era in which globalization and regional integration can coexist without conflict, the prosperity of nations can only be safeguarded by the overall prosperity of their region. Therefore, regional cooperation has been transformed toward integration, and countries are now paying more attention to the concept of regional integration. Regarding nations’ desire for some sort of order, the construction of both regional and international order has revealed important values. With the manifestation of a country’s subjectivity, the enhancement of regional integration, and the deepening of global governance, emerge various forms of coexistence that are accentuated by national reform and regional cooperation, as is the generation of complex construction logistics.

China’s peaceful development is considered an important force that influences the international order. China’s future strategy orientation is receiving significant attention from the international community and affects the strategic adjustment of the core nations around the world. In 2005, China’s White Paper on Peaceful Development proposed a strategy for a new international order, that is, an “advanced international order developed in a much fairer and more rational direction.” For more than 30 years, China has been quiet on this topic, meaning that China now has a new policy orientation after its integration into the international community, one aimed at a harmonious world. However, since 2010, the international community has become much more sensitive toward China’s strategic direction. Following the creation of China’s new big strategy framework, new international systems such as the development banks of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS) and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) have been designed and built. Similarly, the “One Belt and One Road” initiative was proposed and implemented. Thus, whether or not China is trying to change the existing international order and aims to become the builder of a new (or the challenger of the existing) international order, it will be a leading power that is watched closely by the international community.

In consideration of three main variables—state power, international goals, and strategic design—this article explores relations between China and the international order. Furthermore, it analyzes how China established and enriched the path of peaceful development since Deng Xiaoping first proposed the theme of peaceful development in 1982, and examines how China proposed its own ideas and strategies in respect of the construction of an international order.

1 Analysis Framework of the Rise of the Great Power and Interactions with the International Order

The order of the international community refers to the formal or informal arrangements between nations. These arrangements provide a determinable and stable international environment for these nations and enable them to pursue group goals based on the application of rules such as the peaceful settlement of disputes.² Hedley Bull pointed out that the order refers to a pattern that leads to a specific result and one targeted at realizing a social arrangement with a specific goal or value.³ The international order also refers to the pattern or layout of international behaviors, and it seeks the basic, major, or universal goals of the state and society, including the maintenance of the existence of the international system, state, society, and the independence or sovereignty of the state, and lastly peace.⁴ According to current understanding, the international order includes the following aspects: first, the international order is the pattern established by the principal actors based on their respective powers in a certain period of time. In other words, the international order is built on the basis of a power comparison among actors, especially core countries. Thus, the international order is the result of a power distribution. Second, the international order refers to international rules of behavior and safeguard mechanisms that the actors of the international community determine via mutually affecting means and benefits to realize a certain goal in a certain time period. That is to say, the international order is the result of the distribution of benefits between the countries, especially the great powers. Third, whether the international order is stable in a certain period always depends upon whether main great powers can reach and maintain a tacit understanding (or reach an appropriate compromise) of a core idea. In other words, the formation of a shared idea in the international system will be the key variable that decides whether an international order can be built and whether stability can be maintained. Fourth, the international order means that the actors (e.g., sovereign states, state groups, and international organizations) in the international community deal with relations according to certain principles, regulations, goals, and means, and they build or maintain mechanisms under which international politics and economics operate. That is, the international system is the decisive variable in constructing and maintaining the international order. In summary, in the opinion of the author, the international order is based on the concept of sharing and is the result of the distribution of power and benefits among the main actors, especially the great powers, in the international community. A key example of this is the foundation and operation of the global international system.

In consideration of the above knowledge, the international order can be described as an international public good. It is mainly provided by the main actors and expresses and leads to cooperation and conflict between the great powers. The dispute over the international order is, in essence, a dispute over power and benefits, and is again reflected as strategic competition, and competition in the international system. In view of the fact that the balance among the strengths of the great powers is based on history and law, the distribution of benefits is based on power, a guiding strategy, and an international system that reflects three kinds of distribution frames and processes that must be present for any change to occur. The international order is a dynamic idea, with evolution being an essential characteristic. However, there is some degree of stability and even some delay in the power and benefit structure, the concepts, and in the international system. The transformation of new and old orders occurs over a long time period. The progress and speed of the international political and economic order depends upon changes to the power balance. However, the latter will not impact on the existing structure and system. The international order sits at the top of these structures and systems. Therefore, any lag is also considered a basic feature of the international order.

Powerful countries have a huge influence on the international order. Bull once said that a great power could influence the international order because countries such as these hold unequal amounts of power within the international system. The inequality of state power leads to the simplification of international relations. Great powers may adopt policies that maintain or harm the international order according to the analysis. Bull found that the international order maintained by the great powers obtained broad support from the international community. However, the great powers are continually faced with the issue of how to let weaker countries recognize their special role in the international system. The world is a place where different powers compete and no great power can build an order that perfectly meets its own interests. Therefore, the great powers must not seek to formalize and determine their own special status, and they must avoid engaging in behavior that clearly acts to destroy the order. These nations must also satisfy (or partially satisfy) the requirements of fair reform and coordinate and maintain the balance of regional power with second-tier powers.⁵

The great powers are the protagonists in constructing and remodeling the international order. The general laws are as follows: the soft and hard powers of the great powers improve, followed by demands for benefits; a new international goal is formed and a principal or secondary strategic design is implemented during a change in the international order; and the great powers become the actual champions of the reform of the international order and implement their strategic actions at both global and regional levels. Since the twentieth century, the international order has changed frequently and the struggle for order has never ceased. It is in this way that competition between the great powers is generated. During the construction of the international order, state power is a fundamental condition, and the reform strategy always plays the leading role. As globalization and regional integration develops and deepens, concepts such as global governance and regional community are proposed and gradually accepted. However, the concept of hegemonic guidance still exists today and traditional and innovative thinking engage in a fierce competition. The restructuring of the order is carried out at both global and regional levels.

2 Historical Evolution of the International Order

An investigation into the development progress of the international order reveals that it is built upon the coexistence of multiple regions’ order. These orders all share one common feature: the dominance of a single country. An “international” balance of power was first established in Europe, emerging with the rise and fall of great powers and early globalization (e.g., characterized by exploration to other countries). The great European powers gained further control after the industrial revolution, and their dominance soon expanded worldwide. As a result, regional orders turned toward establishing a global economic order, finally forming a global order after the two world wars. Of course, to certain extent, the global order has not completely over taken efforts (or attempts) to establish regional orders; this can be seen in the United States’ attempts to establish a hegemonic order in Latin America and the hegemonic order under the Soviet Union in Eastern Europe during the Second World War (SWW). After the SWW, especially since the 1960s, changes to the international order displayed certain dominant features: as European self-reliance and national liberation movements in Asia, Africa, and Latin America gained momentum, the rejuvenation of regional orders became a tidal wave, and a new form of regional community order stepped on to the historical stage. Since the 1990s, the RIO and the rejuvenation of the construction of regional orders have become the main features of the construction of the international order.

Looking back, no country has yet possessed the power or influence to dominate the world or worldwide interests; similarly, no international system has managed to lead at a global scale. Regarding the coexistence of various regional orders, the East Asia order with China as the core largely reflects traditional Chinese political concepts and wisdom. The appearance of a real global system depends on great geographical discoveries. Since the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, great European powers have expanded beyond the continent and created a stable global navigation system and corresponding global trade system. By the mid-nineteenth century, when China experienced a colonial invasion, a global international system had been established. This period was followed by the industrial revolution, transportation revolution, and communication revolution. The tight connections inside the system finally created a global international economic order. The signing of the Peace of Westphalia in 1648 recognized the principle of sovereign equality among nations and established a novel political foundation for the later creation of an international political order. It is worth noting that two essential conditions must be present to achieve an international order: the formation and stabilization of a balanced European order.

The end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth represented the acceptance of an international division of labor and the appearance of a world market and world currency system. That period also marked the emergence of the colonial system and an international political and economic system. Within this system, the great European powers were transformed into modern nations and possessed the necessary power and will to protect themselves from threats of invasion and to engage in colonial expansion. The British Empire became the overlord and the United States emerged as the world’s first great economic power. Japan also successfully rose as a great Asian power under the Meiji Restoration. The most prominent phenomenon in the second half of the nineteenth century was internal and external expansion of the great powers and the dissolution of the traditional order of East Asia: the United States abandoned its isolationism policy and not only searched for a dominant position in the American order (this started with “Monologism”) but also started interfering with the reconstruction of the order in East Asia (e.g., its occupation of the Philippines and its proposed “open-door” policy).⁶ The balance of power in Europe changed rapidly due to the rise and fall of continental countries. Germany realized its ascent via unification and challenged the Westphalian system. The result of the wars among these big powers was the appearance of the first international order. This relied upon the establishment of an international alliance and was signified by the determination of the Versailles–Washington System. In a manner of speaking, the creation of global orders between countries represented the demand for a new order in the twentieth century. On the one hand, it was the practical achievement of idealism and signified the enduring efforts for world peace; on the other hand, it was the continuation of the global expansion of the European international order and the continuation of the interstate order established by capitalist countries with a global scope. The order has always been flavored by hegemony and power politics.

Considering the spoils of the natural divisions and the internal inequality of the Versailles–Washington Order, the instability of the international order was inevitable. Germany’s re-emergence marked the rise of fascism within the country, and it was similarly embraced by Japan and Italy during the 1920s–1930s. Thus, the power and will to attack the order emerged and a new world war was inevitable. The main influence during that time was the United States, as it had the power to be a global overlord but it refused to bear the subsequent responsibilities. Instead, the United States attempted to seek worldwide interests. The rise of a socialist Soviet Union provided the best excuse for the big powers to maneuver themselves among various political groupings and to get ready for war. Therefore, the SWW was the decisive battle between the people of the world and fascism, and it represented an attempt by capitalists to use fascism as an excuse to eliminate socialism. The result of the war was that fascism died out, but the socialist Soviet Union became stronger. Thus, a significant challenge emerged: how best to build a post-war international order.

The efforts made by the great powers to establish an international order before and after the SWW represented an appeal for the second new order of the twentieth century. The great powers followed the power and interest principles and created an international order following the Yalta Conference; the ensuing order possessed a strong geopolitical color in terms of the division of power. This international order represented significant progress, achieving success around the world in the fight against fascism and socialism. Politically, the new order lead to the founding of UN-determined institutional principles, such as sovereign equality and national self-determination. In terms of economic developments, the International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and General Agreement on Tariff and Trade (GATT) were established, representing the desire to facilitate global economic development. The international order at that time was a global extension of the Westphalia Order. The principle of sovereign equality became a worldwide guiding principle. The inclusion of the principle of sovereign equality in the Charter of the United Nations was a significant milestone regarding the international order. However, the order failed to remove the negative influences of hegemony and power politics. A clear illustration of this is the struggle between the Soviet Union and the United States in their fight for hegemony, and the world then got caught in the Cold War for decades. Important foundation conditions were necessary for the two countries to seek hegemony: the United States had consolidated the order in the Americas and the Soviet Union determined the hegemonic order of Eastern Europe. However, the socialist Soviet Union soon dropped into the imperialism mire. Furthermore, its dominance in the security order of East Asia ensured the United States’ geopolitical superiority in the hegemonic competition.

In a sense, the Yalta order (established after the SWW) came with an inevitable historical burden, bringing inequalities established as early as one century before. This order is therefore called the old international political and economic order. The old international economic order refers to an unequal international order characterized by the exploitation and plundering of developing and undeveloped countries by developed countries. It also included an international productive order based on an irrational international division of labor, an international trade order featuring unequal exchanges, and an international financial order based on monopolies. The old international political order refers to an international political order characterized by hegemony and power politics.

Meanwhile, the international political and economic order is changing. Fundamentally, such revolution comes from economic and technological development. The development of different societies in different areas worldwide occurs at different speeds and depends not only upon the type of change affecting technology, production, and trade, but also the capacity of increasing production and wealth, and acceptance of these new forms. While certain areas enjoy progress, other areas experience relative or (sometimes) absolute delay.⁷ The information revolution is a decisive power for the world’s transformation, and it has rapidly changed comparisons of international competence and further enlarged the huge gap between countries. It has also changed the status of wars and national security. The information revolution has had an inconvenient influence on the international order of the future. However, continual economic growth and the world market economy have relaxed international relations. In modern times, a country largely gains greater interests through economic efficiency, cooperation, and the international division of labor, as opposed through war, imperialism, and exclusive economic means. However, the prospect of economic dependence and mutual benefit does not eliminate competition and distrust between countries. Trade is not always a means to maintain peace. In addition, the wealth of some countries and the poverty of the majority have created a huge global gap, and this gap has become a new pathway to discord.⁸ Of course, this process is occurring in an era whereby global issues are becoming even more dominant, and both the international order and international mechanism have entered an era of change.

First, the power pattern constituting the foundation of the international order has undergone a number of remarkable changes. After the SWW, the position of the great powers underwent dramatic changes. The Soviet Empire, which was once powerful and prosperous, suddenly collapsed; a group of developing great powers (e.g., China) rose to the fore, impacting the existing global patterns of power and interests. There were also changes in Western Europe: after a painful experience, Western European countries united and became self-reliant, thus they became rapid-development pioneers in the region. After establishing the European Union (EU) and expanding eastwards, they once again became the core power advancing the international revolution. Japan too experienced change: first, it enjoyed prosperity and then decline; it then became trapped in the “lost decades” at the beginning of the 1990s, and a deviation to the political right disturbed the pattern in East Asia. Since the 1960s and 1970s, Third World countries have enjoyed development that has enabled them to become important political powers,⁹ and they have demanded the reform of the world political and economic order. The most prominent influence in the change of the pattern of power was the reconstruction of regional orders. The construction of a community order in Western Europe took the lead in regional cooperation and facilitated such reconstruction in other regions.

Second, with changes to the power structure, various countries proposed corresponding interest demands, and international interests also underwent a huge transformation. This was reflected not only in the interest conflicts between the North and the South but also within Northern countries.

Third, as globalization and interactions deepened, international cooperation became a leading international notion. New concepts such as global governance enjoyed popular support, accompanied by a more subtle change to the concept of international order. Economic globalization, however, is a double-edged sword in the construction of the global order. Interdependence leads to fiercer international competition, while interdependence itself becomes a tool to sanction other parties. However, it may encourage countries to adopt attitudes that are more rational and to choose dialogue rather than war when dealing with conflicts.

Fourth, a silent reformation of the international mechanism also occurred. Since modern times, especially after the First World War, the international community continuously sought cooperation and wished to build a supranational world order. Such impulsions led to the generation of a series of international laws and international political rules, and have created a series of institutionalized organizations and institutions. As the power becomes dispersed, the influence of the concept of international governance is enlarged, and more countries join to make and improve the international mechanisms. Thus, the fair nature of the international mechanism has been further exemplified. The acceleration of the world’s transformation impacts the existing international order framework and hastens the RIO based on common interests. The transformation of the international order is increasingly based on multipolarization, the gathering and systemization of common interests, and the sharing of common responsibilities (the great powers should assume the important responsibilities and other countries should share the responsibilities).

Because of the abovementioned changes, the dispute over the international order has become very fierce. Before the Cold War ended, the call to establish a new international order mainly came from Third World countries; they sought to overturn the negative status within the old international economic order and to create a beneficial international environment for the development of a national economy. Shortly after the end of the Cold War, the power of the developed countries grew and they proposed the establishment of a new order. The United States promoted the construction of a new world order that matched its national strategy, and urgently sought to create a world order that would place itself in a leading position. At the same time, EU countries sought to restore Europe’s traditional status, and Japan proposed a new international order with Japan, the United States, and Europe as the three poles of power. In essence, the new world order advocated by the developed countries is the continuation and consolidation of the old order, whereby they mean to make use of their advantageous status to maintain their own interests to the largest extent. Thus, they aimed to include all countries in the international political and economic system that they led by maintaining existing international rules or making international rules that benefited themselves. Upon entering the twenty-first century, the focus of the creation of national orders returned to the regional level. After the beginning of the global financial crisis in the second half of 2008, many countries were forced to further recognize the value of regional cooperation. While facilitating global economic governance (e.g., the activities of the Group of 20 countries [G20]), countries were devoted to consolidate their regional status, explore new ways to reconstruct the global order via advancing regional cooperation, and accumulate power to facilitate a global revolution.¹⁰

3 Historical Background to Relations Between China and the International Order

Before the nineteenth century, China continued to develop in a relatively isolated geopolitical environment in East Asia and was relatively insulated from the rest of the world. In the mid-nineteenth century, the big European powers included China in the international order they led, and this started the tumultuous interactive process between China and the international order. Examples of China’s participation in the international order can be seen in two key ways: the transition from “China’s World” to the “World’s China,” and the transition from an “outsider” to a “member.” These two features are interactively combined and supplement each other, resulting in several changes in China’s role in the international order.

Throughout history, China has always been a leading great power. For more than 1000 years, Chinese science and technology has led the world. Furthermore, China’s gross national product (GNP) ranked the first in the world at the beginning of the nineteenth century. China had its own systematic long-standing civilization and constituted its own systematic imperialist system in East Asia. The Confucian social and political order designed by China followed a pattern of unification whereby “all the land in the world belonged to the lord and all the people living on the land were subordinate to the lord.” This unification structure constituted a so-called international order with China at the core and offered a concentric hierarchical world system¹¹; this can be considered the origin of the East Asian order. This order placed China as a unique ruler that could specify reality, and the grace of the Chinese Empire was used to humanize all people worldwide. A tributary order followed Chinese rules for political relations, namely the continuity and application of decentralization in diplomatic relations. This emphasized that “China may maintain peace as long as neighboring countries develop in sequence,” “convince others by morality,” and “are kind to people and all come to pay allegiance and appease the dukes and the world shows respect.” China sought to distinguish the Han People and minorities through culture instead of race.¹² The economic system and international order with China at the core aimed to obtain the external security necessary for internal stability and prosperity, as well as deal with surrounding relations according to the principle of giving more and receiving less. Thus, it was a flexible style of hegemonic order. The regional order established in ancient China was based on the tributary system. Although there may have been some aspects of inequality, the use of inherited culture and trade was used to maintain the peaceful and mutually beneficial order (Fig. 8.1).

Fig. 8.1

Ratio of Chinese GDP to the world (Year One: 1988). Data Source: Angus Maddison, The World Economy: A Millennial Perspective, OECD: Paris, 2001

Traditional Chinese society stood still and refused to make progress; it lacked an innovative spirit and the awareness to expand. By comparison, upon leaving the Middle Ages, Europe enjoyed rapid development and accelerated the pace of its expansion to the outside world. In the seventeenth century, European powers sunk their colonial claws into the southeast coastal region of China. In the nineteenth century, after failing to establish a much broader and more direct link with the Qing Dynasty via diplomatic means, Western powers resorted to warfare. They launched a series of wars against China, broke the Chinese pattern of unification with gunboats, and by force, brought China into the international order. As a nation, China transformed from one characterized by a pattern of unification to a national country with modern significance. Since its inclusion into the international order by force, China has long been insulted by the major powers and its land has been recklessly divided up, with no recognition of its sovereignty. After entering the twentieth century, China’s main status regarding external diplomacy has changed from that as an imperial court to one seeking equal status.

As the international order expanded from regions to the world, the prominent feature was the creation of the League of Nations. Just prior to this, China’s desire to actively join the international order grew. In 1916, China participated in the First World War and, for the first time since modern times, achieved numerous victories. However, at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference, held to determine the future international order, China (a victorious country) had no right to join in the discussions regarding the post-war international order. Thus, it was unable to safeguard its own interests. An important step for China in its attempts to join the international community was membership to the League of Nations. Nevertheless, Japan launched a large-scale war of aggression against China in 1931 and China appealed to the dispute settlement mechanism of the League of Nations. China lodged a complaint to the League of Nations and demanded sanctions against the invasion in accordance with the provisions of the treaty of the League. Although the League of Nations dispatched a delegation and released an investigative report, the report took the side of Japan and refused to declare Japan an invader, representing the first serious failure of the League of Nations in its short history. Until the end of the SWW, China was caught up in a new multipolar world.¹³

During the SWW, China took action to conqueror the Japanese in Far East battlegrounds, and made significant contributions to defeat fascism. As a great power, China participated in the process to found the UN and became one of the five permanent members (with voting rights) of the UN Security Council. Its great power status was affirmed under the mechanism of the UN. Thus, for the first time, China became a positive participant within the international order. However, after the Communist Party of China (CPC) founded New China in 1949, core Western countries such as the United States refused to acknowledge the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Instead, it continued to recognize the Chiang Kai-shek clique that had settled in Taiwan and supported it to gain seats on international organizations, such as the UN, and Mainland China was expelled from existing global international systems. After careful consideration, Chinese leaders introduced a “one-sided” diplomacy policy. China’s chosen strategy and the start of the Korean War had a substantial influence on the international order. The 1960s and 1970s marked significant polarization and alliances in international power. The Sino-Soviet Alliance dissolved and the socialist camp was dismantled, and capitalism further developed with the United States, Europe, and Japan at the core. Developing countries, as independent political powers, stepped on to the world stage. China proposed two intermediate zone theories and demanded to “fight through two lines” and even “make attacks in all directions.” Thus, it further challenged the hegemony and the international system. At the start of the 1970s, with the Soviet Union’s hegemony posing a major threat to China, China again adjusted its international strategy and proposed “three-world” theory. It also achieved breakthrough diplomatic relations with Western countries such as the United States. In October 1970, China regained its seat in the United Nations as a permanent member; this earned China broader international acceptance. However, China’s doubts about the UN and other international organizations had not been completely dispelled.¹⁴

In consideration of China’s experience of participating in the post-war international order and then its exclusion from decision making, the Chinese government proposed to create new international relations and a new international order. At the end of 1953, when meeting a delegation from the Indian government, Zhou Enlai proposed five principles: mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, non-aggression, non-interference with internal affairs, equality and mutual benefits, and peaceful coexistence. Since their proposal, the so-called Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence have now been widely accepted around the world. The principles have not only been affirmed in bilateral agreements signed by China and other countries (e.g., treaties, declarations, and statements), but have also been repeatedly quoted or reiterated at many significant international conferences and in numerous international documents. The wide acceptance of these five principles is one of China’s great contributions to the basic principle of international relations as well as the first important attempt of the PRC to improve the international order.

China has always supported the appeals of Third World countries to create a new international economic order. In 1974, at the sixth special session of the UN General Assembly, China put forward a proposal to establish a new international political and economic order: first, build political and economic relations among countries on the basis of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence; second, international economic affairs should be co-managed by the countries of the world; third, world trade should be conducted on the basis of equality, mutual benefits, and the mutual exchange of necessary goods; fourth, exclude political and military elements from the economic aid given to developing countries and respect the sovereignty of the country receiving the aid; and lastly, the international community should provide more technological aid to developing countries.¹⁵

In 1978, China first implemented its opening-up policy and sought to quicken its integration into the international community. China began to adhere to existing international rules and joined existing international systems instead of starting all over again via other means. China also adopted a constructive attitude to its regional system and embodied the desire to continually facilitate a connection with the international community. Thus, China’s involvement with the international order was increasingly developed and enriched.

In summary, since the foundation of the PRC, China has had a positive influence on the international order. China was once excluded from any decision making regarding the international order. However, its role in the process has changed from onlooker to participant and its attitude has changed from a negative one to a positive one. During this time, China’s understanding of the international order has gradually grown.

4 China’s Strategies to Integrate into the World (1985–2005)

In 1978, the Third Plenary Session of the 11th National Congress of the CPC symbolized a significant change in Chinese history. In 1982, the 12th National Congress of the CPC further defined the blueprint of its quest for socialist modernization. In 1982, a general theme of peace and development provided the strategic idea for China to integrate with the international community and join the international order. On this basis, China followed a road of peaceful development whereby it changed itself and influenced the world. During the process whereby China gradually began to participate in global affairs, China still recognized the importance of its own power and localization, and gradually considered cooperation with East Asia (with China at the core) to facilitate participation in international affairs. Thus, strategies to create an international order have gradually led to the situation whereby the world and regional orders are parallel.

The Third Plenary Session of the 11th National Congress of the CPC symbolized the moment that China abandoned its strategy based on class struggles and instead focused on economic construction. In December 1979, Deng Xiaoping first proposed the idea of establishing a “moderately well-off society” by the end of the twentieth century. In 1982, the 12th National Congress of the CPC introduced an objective under a moderately well-off society to quadruple the annual industrial and agricultural output value of the country at the end of the century. The congress also emphasized the need to create an excellent economic system, which would act as the core of three construction tasks in the 1980s: anti-hegemony and peacekeeping, motherland unification, and modernization construction. Between 1980 and 1985, the gross value of China’s industrial and agricultural output increased by 11.0%, exceeding the strategic expectations of the Twelfth National Congress of the CPC. On this basis, Deng Xiaoping looked at China’s unique conditions and changed and redesigned the long-term development goal of Chinese modernization. He then developed the “three-step” strategic concept for the primary stage of socialism.¹⁶ On April 30, 1987, Deng Xiaoping, introduced his “three-step” modernization development strategy: the first step was to double GDP from 1981 to 1991 (the 1980 value being the base value from which to reach USD 500); the second step was to again double GDP by the end of the twentieth century (per capita income reached USD 1000); and the third step was to spend 30–50 years to quadruple GDP (it would reach USD 4000 per capita).¹⁷ In 1987, the 13th National Congress of the CPC further stated that China has entered the primary stage of socialism and its fundamental task was to emancipate and develop productivity. The adjustment of the national general strategy was the starting point of China’s reform of its international strategy: the focus changed from military security, national independence, and self-reliance to economic construction, wealth and the prosperity of the people, and opening-up. Thus, China hoped to create a positive international environment for its socialist modernization. The change in emphasis from safeguarding national security to development became the fundamental element in China’s international strategy. Meanwhile, changes in the international situation and China’s international environment also provided historic opportunities to adjust China’s international strategy. China’s international environment improved when the Soviet Union began to follow more aggressive policies and the United States became more conservative. This led to China and the United States creating new diplomatic relations on January 1, 1979. Because of the adjustments to US policy, China and the Soviet Union both sought to improve their relations. After 12 rounds of political negotiations spanning seven years (1982–1989), both parties gradually re-established links in various field. Meanwhile, as China’s reform and opening-up was implemented and developed, China’s huge economic and market potential attracted foreign investors and this helped to extend and improve relations between China and other countries. Therefore, China’s foreign relations developed to a new high. China opened and accelerated its integration into the international community. The reform of the relation between China and the international order was imminent. From that point onwards, China was an important power in facilitating the reform of the international order and its influence only became stronger.

In the 1980s, China made a fundamental adjustment to its international strategy. This adjustment was based on the following change in strategy: China’s focus moved from “the class struggle” to “economic construction,” and the overall objective for that era turned from war and revolution to peace and development. The objective of that period was first based on domestic needs but then gradually spread to the international community. In 1977, Deng Xiaoping said that, “we may strive to delay the start of the war,” and he said again in 1982 that, “the reasons for war are increasing and the reasons not to go to war are also increasing.” On March 4, 1985, while meeting a Japanese delegation, Deng Xiaoping pointed out “the current significant problems in the world are global strategic problems: the first is the peace problem and the other is the economic problem or development problem.”¹⁸ On December 21, 1988, when meeting the Prime Minister of India, Rajiv Gandhi, Deng Xiaoping stated that, “there are mainly two issues at present in the world. The first is the peace issue and the other is the development issue … we should recognize the development issue affects all of mankind. It is necessary to observe and solve the issues taking this in to consideration. Only in this way can we understand that the development issue is the responsibility of the developing countries as well as the responsibility of the developed countries.”¹⁹ The quest for peace and development represents a turning point in recognizing the interactive relations between China and the world. On this basis, the administrative strategy of the CPC realized the transformation from the “philosophy of struggle” to the “philosophy of construction,” as well as changes to its political focus, shifting from the “class struggle” to “economic construction.” Similarly, there was a shift from “doctrinarism” to “practice is the sole criterion for testing the truth.” This was accompanied by the reform of the economic strategy, shifting from a planned economy to a socialist market economy. The introduction of the theme of peace and development influenced China’s national strategy and established the foundation for the general coordination of both domestic and international strategies.

The strategic adjustment was marked by the convening of the 12th National Congress of the CPC in September 1982. China began to abandon its “one-line” strategic layout, and further emphasized the need for an independent peaceful diplomatic policy. It also shifted its focus from the Soviet Union and looked instead to developing all-round diplomatic relations with other countries around the world. Meanwhile, Deng Xiaoping developed the “three-world” theory and highlighted the West–East problem and the North–South problem: “At present, the biggest problems in the world are global strategic problems. One is the peace problem and the other is the economic problem or development problem. The peace problem is a West–East relation problem and the development problem is the North–South relation problem. In summary, it is West, East, North and South. The North–South problem is central.”²⁰ On this basis, Deng Xiaoping actively called for North–South conservations and South–South cooperation. He also proposed his “One Country, Two Systems” policy as an answer to the problem of Taiwan’s unification and a “suspend disputes and develop together” policy to resolve the disputes concerning the South China Sea. As the international situation developed and Chinese power increased, Deng Xiaoping began to focus on building a new international political and economic order. He was the first world leader who raised the issue of a “new international order” both before and after the Cold War. In 1988, Deng Xiaoping proposed to “take the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence as the guidelines for guiding international relations” when constructing a new international order.²¹

As China’s general strategy was adjusted, reform and opening-up became the key elements of its international strategy. Opening-up is a process that not only introduces funding and technology but also enables the learning of advanced ideas and systems. Similarly, it represents an important path that supports China to integrate with the international community and change relations between China and the international order. During this process, China accelerated its integration into the international system. Because of the restraints caused by historical factors and actual conditions, China’s strategy in this period especially viewed participation in the international economic system as essential and reflected its focus on economic interests and objectives. China began to emphasize its connection with international trends and made efforts to create a role as a positive participant and follow international norms. During this period, China’s perception of the international community changed, and it began to follow the rules of the international community and joined key global international systems. Thus, China did not take the revolutionary path to reform the international community but joined the international community as a necessary precondition and an important pathway to achieve modernization. China’s potential and its huge market earned significant attention from the international community, and it became a key power in reshaping international order. Thus, it was for this reason that relations between China and the international community improved.

In the late 1980s and beginning of the 1990s, the international situation again experienced considerable changes. For example, 1989 marked a series of revolutions, followed soon by the end of the Cold War. On this important historic occasion, China sailed against the current and further developed its opening-up policy. Looking to the transformation to capital-intensive manufacturing and high-tech labor-intensive manufacturing in developed countries, China further developed its export economy. Meanwhile, in considering international disputes after the Cold War, China innovatively proposed to introduce a socialist market economy and then liberated China–world relations from the ideology vortex, showing high-level political wisdom and strategic courage. In 1992, the 14th National Congress of the CPC outlined a strategy to build a socialist market economy and China entered a period of high-speed development. In particular, the aim to double China’s GDP by 2000 was realized five years early and the average living standard moved away from the poverty level toward “fairly well-off.” Thus, China’s economic development was improving in all respects. From 1990 to 2000, China’s GDP growth rate reached 10.4%, ranking first among the great powers. Because of China’s development and global changes, the United States soon came to view China as its No. 1 potential strategic opponent.²²

Before and after the Cold War, socialism suffered serious worldwide setbacks and China experienced a number of political disturbances. Furthermore, various economic challenges had negative impacts on China’s reform and development. Furthermore, now that the Soviet Union was no longer a threat, the United States no longer required its alliance with China. Thus, China became a key opponent in the minds of US strategists. Since June 1989, the United States has taken the lead in imposing “sanctions” against China, and Sino-US relations deteriorated. Both parties have engaged in fierce competitions on a number of issues including human rights, “most favored nation” trade status, and weapon proliferation. In the second half of 1989, regarding the huge changes in domestic and overseas situations, Deng Xiaoping proposed a series of strategic guidelines: “observe calmly, stabilize the camp, respond sedately, hide capacities and bide time, be honest, never stand out, and do something.” Furthermore, he insisted on never being a mistreated bird and aimed to avoid letting the overall situation get out of control because of confrontations with other great powers. He insisted on doing something and saying something about the significant issues around interests that concerned Chinese sovereignty and security. Deng Xiaoping also stated the need to calmly evaluate the development of the situation, make the most of opportunities, and to do something on the basis of hiding China’s capacities and biding time. These strategic guidelines focused on hiding capacities and biding time, doing something, the refusal to act as a mistreated bird, and to avoid fighting against the West. Thus, China withstood the pressure from Western sanctions and, in the end, voices of the international anti-China chorus had little effect. Meanwhile, Chinese leaders introduced a series of new and innovative ideas regarding China’s international strategy. These specifically concerned the construction of a new international political and economic order, the construction, and creation of a strategic partnership, the advancement of regional cooperation, and fostering initiative.

As early as the 1980s, Deng Xiaoping examined the significant and profound changes in the international situation and proposed to build a fair and rational new political and economic order. On December 24, 1990, Deng Xiaoping commented to comrades in the central government that “it is impossible to do nothing on international issues. We should do something. What to do? I propose to actively facilitate the construction of a new international political and economic order.”²³ Key leaders such as Jiang Zemin included the subject of establishing a new international political and economic order in subsequent speeches and political reports. China felt it necessary to facilitate the construction of a new international political and economic order to emphasize the inequality within the current international economic order (whereby the power lay with Western countries), to obtain the right to speak about the international order, and to strive for the sympathy and support of international public opinion. China then further mastered its strategy initiative, and managed to engage in the unification and cooperation of international powers, and this helped to direct the development of the international environment to benefit Chinese development. Of course, after the Cold War ended, the reconstruction of the international order became the main objective of many countries. For instance, the United States continued to advocate an international order with itself as leader and was devoted to the pursuit of unipolar hegemony. In contrast, Japan proposed an international order that included the United States, Japan, and Europe as the core countries. Many developing countries also presented opinions about the reform of the international order. China joined in the discussion and continued to promote its Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence. For instance, in 2002, Jiang Zemin included numerous Chinese propositions in the report presented at the 16th National Congress of the CPC: all countries should be mutually respectful and coordinate with other countries instead of imposing their will on others; the countries should mutually promote economic and common development instead of causing extreme disparity between the rich and poor; countries should learn from each other and aim for co-prosperity instead of expelling the culture of other races; countries should trust each other for security, act to safeguard each other, establish a new security concept of mutual trust, mutual benefits, equality, and coordination, and solve disputes via dialogue and cooperation instead of resorting to weapons or military force.²⁴ On May 28, 2003, Hu Jintao made a speech at the Moscow State Institute of International Relations and presented five recommendations to ensure the creation of a fair and rational new international political and economic order: to encourage the democratic practice of international relations; to maintain and respect the diversity of the world; to establish a new security concept of mutual trust, mutual benefits, equality, and coordination; advance balanced global economic development; and to respect the important role played by the UN and the UN Security Council. Meanwhile, China associated the new order with multipolarization, and considered multipolarization as the foundation to facilitate the construction of a new international order. Furthermore, it reached agreement on the strategic intention to facilitate multipolarization and the construction of a new international order via a joint declaration. China then obtained the important right to speak on the construction of the international order. During this period, China’s state power enjoyed significant growth, and cooperation between China and the international community grew stronger. Similarly, common interests grew and the compatibility of national interests strengthened, which provided important support for positive interactions between China and the international order, as well as the necessary conditions for the use of initiative.

Because of the pressure of Western sanctions after the Cold War and the promotion of environmental reform, the improvement of relations among the great powers and surrounding relations became a priority for China, and this became an important strategic measure with which to promote the construction of development partnerships. In 1993, China and Brazil first proposed a strategic partnership, and in 1994, China and Russia reached consensus regarding forming a partnership (it was the first partnership determined in public by China via a joint declaration). In 1996, the initiative to create Chinese partnerships expanded to neighboring countries and China created partnerships with Pakistan and Nepal, and the partnership with Russia was later upgraded to a strategic coordinative partnership. In 1997, China and France established a comprehensive partnership, and China and the United States decided to create a constructive strategic partnership. In 1998, China and Britain established a comprehensive partnership. China and various European countries have established long-term stable and constructive partnerships and China has also established a partnership with South Korea. In 2000, China began a partnership with South Africa. In the 1990s, the proposal and implementation of Chinese partnership improved the Chinese environment and became an important path for China to facilitate the sound reform of the international order. Upon entering the twenty-first century, China’s partnership strategy can be viewed as a huge success.²⁵ China currently has partnerships with nearly 100 countries and national organizations, and has created a worldwide partnership network. This partnership strategy represented a new means of exploration that enabled China to build new international relations and facilitate the construction of a new international order.

When the Cold War ended, the “China threat theory” was propagated in the international community and especially among those countries neighboring China; it was, of course, purposefully instigated by certain countries. However, the shock of China’s rise indeed impacted on neighboring countries and concerns about China’s future direction grew. China then had to determine how it could pacify neighboring countries and promote the concept of sharing and stability; this became a key priority. China also recognized its location as a great advantage, and ignored the impulse to join in the power competition among the international community. China sought to establish relations in East Asia, built on diplomacy, and began to effectively unify the construction of global and regional orders. Thus, China realized the value of its concepts and strategies for a new international order.

With the rise of China’s national strength, its influence on affairs in East Asia increased. In the mid-1990s, China left behind its indifferent and passive attitude toward regional cooperation and instead engaged in a new pattern of behavior: China engaged in positive cooperation with neighboring countries in terms of the economy, security, and military, and became a key proponent of the construction of a regional order in East Asia. Regarding the economy, China pushed forward the creation of the China–ASEAN Free Trade Area (CAFTA) and stated that the “10+3 mechanism” can be developed into a major channel for cooperation in East Asia. China also worked hard to construct cooperative regional economic, trade, investment, and security frameworks. In terms of security, China proposed mutual trust, mutual benefits, equality, and coordination, and turned these new security concepts into practice with the construction of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization; this then extended to the creation of CAFTA. These achievements provided a positive base from which China could cooperate with other Asian countries.²⁶ China also strengthened cooperation with ASEAN countries in the non-traditional field of security. Regarding the military, China has actively broadened its cooperation with other central great powers and has embodied an unprecedented positive attitude toward anti-terrorism, the prevention of the spread of weapons, and united military exercises. The mechanism for cooperation in East Asia (and facilitated by China) represents the country’s new diplomatic policy whereby it aims to create and cultivate a regional order that is equal, cooperative, mutually beneficial, and provides mutual aid. This is created on the basis of common interests in the region, which are affiliated to China’s interests, and aims to put an end to long-standing misunderstanding and complaints. Thus, China seeks to explore and gradually determine new guidelines for relations between countries and international relations.

Since 1997, China has taken the maxim, “responsible power,” as the benchmark for its international status and has further focused to establish its own international image. China is turning from a great regional power with global influence to a world power, and now plays an increasingly important role in global peace, security, and development. This demands that China should establish a responsible, constructive, and appropriate image of a great power and provide more global and regional public goods. During Asia’s financial crisis in 1997–1999, China established the image of a responsible great power and won the respect of other Asian countries.

Since then, China’s strategy has turned from one of introversion to extroversion. China has worked hard to become integrated into the international community, and it has expanded its strategic interests to become an active global participant. The end of the Cold War motivated China to end its diplomatic isolation. Thus, for China, an important element of the strategy is how it can gain the acceptance of the international community. Only in this way can China ensure the appropriate international environment to achieve its basic objective of national development. As China accelerates its integration into the international community, its strategy has more room in which to operate, but its vulnerability to external impacts increases. Furthermore, as China’s power grows, so too does international pressure resulting from the “China threat theory.” China’s accelerated integration with Europe and the United States has also produced considerable international pressure. This pressure encouraged China toward integration with East Asia. China possesses sound judgment regarding the international environment and clearly understands its own state power. Thus, there is a degree of flexibility within its national objectives and international goals.

China’s strategy announcement of “responsible power” reflects the country’s significant shift in self-identification. It represents the meeting of China’s traditional identification as an independent great power, with sovereignty at the core, and a new perception as a responsible great power. The latter has a very direct affiliation with China’s integration into the international system, meaning that China’s state behavior is changing because of such involvement. Thus, integration into the international system requires that China breaks long-term barriers and earns goodwill. In respect of the international community or significant global issues, China’s integration process is constantly improving and is becoming increasingly cooperative. In addition, China not only promotes participation in the international system but shows growing positivity. Thus, China is a positive participant and therefore its capacity for agenda creation has been enhanced. China decided to pursue a strategy of integration into the international community and expanded its state strategic benefits via participating, creating, and guiding the international system. China has also actively participated in the improvement of the international system and in the creation of the international system in new fields. Thus, China is increasingly leaving its mark on the international system, and its capacity to shape the international system has also been enhanced.²⁷

As China’s international status improves, its views on the international order are considered more reasonable. China recognizes that the current international order is dominated by the West and that it is indeed unfair and irrational in many respects. However, China’s position in the present international order has gradually improved. In addition, based on China’s objective evaluations of the advantages and disadvantages of the current international order, and under the present UN-dominant global institutional system, China occupies a clearly favorable political position; there are also more economic advantages than disadvantages. Thus, the current international order is a double-edged sword for China: as China joins the international community, both its power and benefits have grown; however, because the current international order is based on fixed power and benefit patterns, this limits the expansion of China’s power and benefits. China must therefore participate in the construction and reform of the international political and economic order to remedy the unfair and irrational aspects of the current order. This should be done in a gradual, peaceful, and democratic approach, that is, in the manner of a responsible great power. China is also now aware of the arduous nature of constructing a new international order. It has actively facilitated the construction of the East Asian order in a pragmatic manner and has new ideas for the construction of the international order.

5 China’s Strategic Path to Forming a New World Order (2005–)

Upon entering the twenty-first century, China’s development accelerated and its level of GDP exceeded the original objective, which of itself seemed impossibly high. In 2010, China surpassed Japan to become the second largest economic power. Chinese foreign trade also enjoyed rapid growth and, in 2014, China became the largest foreign trade country in the world. As China’s Go Out policy develops, especially regarding the proposal and implementation of the BRICS Development Bank, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, and the “One Belt and One Road” strategy, so too has its foreign investment. China is also paying more attention to the construction of cultural soft power, which will further consolidate a foundation for China’s peaceful ascent. Thus, China continues to deepen its integration into the international community in all aspects, as well as further its reform. In doing so, China engages in self-improvement. In face of the global financial crisis, China began to actively participate in a process to reshape the world order, seeking to gradually form a strategic framework to achieve integration and reform. Thus, a key element of China’s great strategy is the reform of the international order.

The strategic framework for China’s peaceful development has been gradually established and enriched in the twenty-first century. After decades of exploration and subsequent results, in December 2005, China published a white article titled China’s Path to Peaceful Development. This article was the first to propose the idea of “advancing the international order to develop in a fairer and more rational direction.” This is a new formulation that shows that China is willing to engage in the reform of the current international political and economic order as a responsible great power. Thus, China believes that the reform of the international order should occur in a gradual, peaceful, and democratic way. The report presented at the 18th National Congress of the CPC proposed to “promote the international order and international system to develop in a fair and rational direction.” This also suggests that China, as a responsible great power, is willing to engage in the gradual, peaceful, and democratic reform of the international order. Thus, Chinese leaders have outlined a new harmonious society and expounded a traditional idea as a solution to international issues. They have presented the idea of a harmonious world, a harmonious Asia, and a harmonious region, and emphasize that the existence of a harmonious society and world are dependent upon each other. The proposal of a harmonious world represents a utopian ideal for the international order. Harmony is also a commitment, not only for domestic populations but also for the whole world. The commitment equates to a responsibility and becomes a kind of restraint on the “responsible power” self-strategy of China’s government. This means that Chinese leaders are clearly aware of the influence that China’s development has on the international community, and regard the harmonious world as a strategic intermediate point with which to combine domestic harmony and external cooperation.

If the idea of a “harmonious world” is expressed in terms of a strategy, the corresponding realistic strategic path is the pursuit of common interests, mutual benefits, and win-win outcomes. The term “common interest” was first included in the political report of the 15th National Congress of the CPC in September 1997 and proposed to “seek the convergence point of common interests” with developed countries. The political report of the 16th National Congress of the CPC expressed the goal to “expand common interests with developed countries.” Similarly, leaders such as Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao advised that it is essential to “maintain the common interests of developing countries.” The report presented at the 17th National Congress of the CPC clearly outlined a strategy for common interests: “share development opportunities, respond to various challenges, and push forward processes for the peace and development of humankind.” The report presented at the 18th National Congress of the CPC further pointed out that China should be “advocating a sense of community of human destiny, giving consideration to the pursuit of one’s own interests and rational care for other countries; facilitating the common development of countries while seeking one’s own development, as well as building an equal and balanced new global development partnership. Help each other, bear rights and liabilities together, and enhance the common interests of humankind.” China’s leaders are also aware that China’s engagement in international affairs represents the rapid expansion of the relevant agenda and that it is both possible and necessary to consolidate and expand common interests with other countries. China has become an affiliated party to both global and regional benefits, and must strengthen and expand shared interests. This follows China’s international strategy and complies with China’s long-term strategic interests.²⁸ In October 2005, the Fifth Plenary Session of the 16th Central Committee of the CPC proposed to implement a strategy comprising mutual benefits and win-win outcomes. Thus, the Central Committee emphasized that only mutual benefits and win-win outcomes can safeguard the continuing success of China’s basic national policy of opening-up to the outside. This strategy will also safeguard the further development of China’s overseas benefits. Furthermore, it will not only realize the strategic objective of China’s development but also help to establish a respectable image in terms of China’s peaceful development. Mutual benefits and win-win results have been identified as the necessary foundation for relations with the outside world, in which China’s international competence is enhanced and reflects the fact that China is paying significant attention to the interests of other countries while achieving its own development. Mutual benefits and win-win outcomes are the key elements of China’s opening strategy in a new historical period. They reflect China’s pursuit of its goals as a responsible great power. The report presented at the 18th National Congress of the CPC emphasized that China would unswervingly pursue a strategy of mutual benefits and win-win outcomes, as well as facilitate the powerful, sustainable, and balanced economic growth of the world through further cooperation. China is focused on narrowing the gap between the North and the South, and aims to support developing countries to strengthen their capacity for independent development. China will reinforce the coordination of macroscopic political policies with main economic entities, and properly solve economic and trading conflicts via negotiation. China also insists on balancing its rights and obligations, and will actively engage in global economic governance. Similarly, it aims to continue to push forward the liberalization and facilitation of its trade and investments, and opposes various forms of protectionism.

Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, the new central leaders have worked hard to facilitate the creation of a modernized system of Chinese national governance and capacity. Furthermore, they wish to lead China to further integration within the international community and strive to have a greater international influence. To achieve these aims would symbolize that China has entered a new era whereby China’s reform and opening-up is further developed. Entering the second decade of the twenty-first century, Chinese state power has been further advanced. For example, China’s economic power and comprehensive power now rank second in the world and its industrial added value and foreign trade turnover rank first in the world. The report presented at the 18th National Congress of the CPC included the aim to establish a moderately well-off society in all aspects by 2020. Xi Jinping proposed “China’s Dream” and the “Two Centenary Objectives.” Following the above strategies, China’s decision makers have actively pursued the further reform of the system, and seek to construct a national system of governance and to promote the state’s governance capacity. The leaders have also participated in international affairs and this has helped China to achieve the status of a constructive participant and a dominant power in terms of global economic governance and the construction of the world order. Thus, China’s role as a great power is prominent. China’s leaders have also introduced a new series of diplomatic ideas and these have enriched China’s diplomatic system. China’s rise in the world has been very clear to China’s leaders, and they have been mindful to “promote the world by virtue and admire the world,” while insisting on mutual benefits and win-win results. They have also emphasized cooperation based on the common interests of countries, and have offered to bear a greater share of the international responsibilities. Furthermore, China is building and developing a common-interest community, a responsible community, and a community of common destiny with other countries. China is now calling for “communities of common destiny,” and has introduced a number of new projects including establishing new great power relations, co-constructing a “Silk Road Economic Belt” and “Maritime Silk Road,” and moving forward with a new “benevolent outlook.” China also advocates for developing countries to give greater attention to both morals and profits, but with a preference for morals, and links a country’s development to its neighbors and developing countries. It is also crucial that mutual trust and cooperation among countries is improved.

China seeks to expand its national strategic benefits and now focuses on entering a new era of diplomacy characterized by “common benefits,” “mutual benefits and win-win outcomes,” and “Chinese responsibilities.”²⁹ In the face of international vicissitudes, Chinese diplomacy has become built on initiative. China’s leaders have a strong desire to seek cooperation and achieve win-win outcomes for the world. They also express the need to actively engage in the international order and global governance. Thus, they have suggested a series of important projects and have entered many important agreements; these will directly influence regional benefits and further initiate the evolution of the world pattern, and also strengthen China’s right to speak about international affairs, especially regional affairs. China proposes and has actively implemented “new relations between great powers” with the United States and advocates the sound development of Sino-US relations in bilateral and multilateral settings. China is aware of the global shake up stemming from its rise in the world, but seeks a peaceful development road, and welcomes other countries to develop alongside it. China wishes to develop friendly cooperative relations with other countries around the world and for all to share in any development bonuses. Thus, China recognizes the importance of developing relations with neighboring countries and as such diplomacy is the showing of good will and friendship to neighbors. Such behavior will bring harmony, security, and prosperity to neighbors, and it emphasizes the concepts of friendliness, sincerity, benefits, and tolerance.³⁰ To further expand the concept of diplomacy, China has created a master blueprint and proposed various projects such an upgraded version of the Sino-ASEAN Free Trade Zone, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, and a twenty-first-century “Silk Road Economic Belt” and “Maritime Silk Road.” China has also made calls for countries to create mutual benefits and a win-win “community of shared interests” and a “community of common destiny” with common development and prosperity. Thus, China seeks to energetically promote cooperative relations with neighboring countries. Because China is a great regional power and is marching toward becoming a great world power, East Asia is growing in importance as the regional core of China’s big strategy. China seeks to upgrade its East Asian strategy and to actively facilitate the systematization of cooperation in the region. This includes cooperation among East Asian countries to build a Sino-ASEAN community of common destiny and to establish a Sino-ASEAN Maritime Cooperation Fund. Similarly, China plans to develop maritime cooperation and work with other East Asian countries to build a “Maritime Silk Road” for the twenty-first century. Proposals have also been made to create an upgraded version of the Sino-ASEAN Free Trade Zone, to guide the foundation of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, and to support East Asian countries to establish a Bangladesh–China–India–Myanmar economic corridor. By offering guidance for regional arrangements and facilitating other East Asian countries to adjust to its ascent, China’s development has led the way for all-region cooperation, allays the concerns of East Asia, brings together common interests, and deepens regional awareness. It also strives to play a powerful building and guidance role in the construction of a new order in East Asia and even in the Asia–Pacific region.³¹

In summary, China’s ascent both impacts and changes the patterns of international power and interests. It follows then that China’s various initiatives, the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, the new concept of security, and overall concept of national security, democracy in international relations, civilization diversity, harmonious world, and the world dream, have become important factors influencing the reform of the international order. As China’s integration into the international community deepens, it will not only become a valued participant in the global international system but also actively engage in helping to establish a regional system. China has become an important force in reshaping the distribution of international power. China is still rising, and as such, with its constructive, cooperative, and appropriate status, it continues to challenge the international order to develop in a fair and rational direction. Regarding the international political order, China asks that others respect the world’s diversity, and pushes forward democratic practices in international relations, while also encouraging multilateralism and general national security. China proposes the use of dialogue to resolve international disputes, and regarding the international economic order, China recommends common prosperity and common development, and steps to narrow the gap between the North and South. China believes it is important to facilitate balanced and sustainable global economic and social development. In terms of detailed mobilization, China calls for comprehensive security at a global level as well as strengthening cooperative security regulation and system protection. Furthermore, at the regional level, China wishes to accelerate the capacity for regional development, while also seeking to establish a new regional order and to provide a reference for the foundation of a new international order and the creation of a new regional foundation.

The recent collapse of the international financial order presented China with an opportunity. China now seeks to help re-establish a new order, while playing a greater role and bearing more responsibilities within the international community. China also hopes to advance the RIO at both regional and global levels. At the global level, China insists on safeguarding the authority of the UN and facilitating the UN to play a positive role. China also hopes to expand its international influence by establishing a worldwide partnership network and by promoting China’s role in the international community via the implementation of the “One Belt and One Road” strategy, the implementation of a financial cooperation mechanism for countries, and the strengthening of the “Go Out” strategy. Similarly, China’s leaders are working hard to turn its economic influence into a political influence. At the regional level, China proposes the concept of a friendly, sincere, beneficial, and prosperous regional order, and hopes to develop greater regional cooperation and also allay the concerns of East Asia. Furthermore, China will ensure common benefits, deepen regional awareness, and play a powerful role in building and guiding the construction of a new East Asian order, or even a new Asian order. China has begun the RIO process, starting from a point with advanced technology, greater transparency, and certain advantages. For instance, the reform of the international financial order has been aided by guidance from investment banks and by mobilizing the Asian infrastructure. In other words, China aims to achieve a fairer and more rational international order in two ways: by first establishing an East Asian order and then a financial order. Thus, China’s framework for peaceful development, its integration with the international community, and its own reform, have all led to the gradual creation of a new international order. China’s construction of an international order is based on the growth of its state power and via the concepts of benefits (especially common benefit), ideas, and the construction of an international system.

6 Participating in the RIO at a Steady Pace

China’s rise has largely occurred at the same time as the transformation of the international order. China has gradually become an important power in the RIO process. At present, the transformation of the international order provides numerous international conditions necessary for China’s comprehensive rise. Countries from around the world drive the quest to develop the international order in a fair and rational direction; this also ensures essential international conditions for China’s continued growth. In view of China’s history, this is the first time that China has played a positive and comprehensive role in implementing change at a global level. The RIO is a systematic project, and the process needs to be carefully considered including the relevant concepts, power, and benefits. Only then should moves be made to gradually advance from bilateral implementation to multilateral implementation and from regional implementation to global implementation. This is explained below in detail:

First, China’s positive participation in the RIO has enhanced its power and expanded its benefits. Furthermore, a country’s role in the new order relies on its own comprehensive power. Thus, the international order is based on a distribution of power. It is only because China emerged as a powerful country that it has been able to reshape the international order. The strengthening of state power comes not only from the development and cultivation of its domestic market but also from seeking strategic resources under globalization. Equally important is the strengthening of a country’s hard power and soft power. Thus, a greater soft power sits at the core of enhancing state power. Furthermore, the international order comes from the distribution of benefits. Thus, developing countries must achieve greater benefits before any effective improvements and advancements occur within the international order.

Second, various cultural beliefs have had a positive effect on the construction of the international order. Chinese traditional culture is long-standing and profound. Many beliefs have philosophical meaning; for example, “be harmonious and friendly to neighboring countries,” and “all living creatures grow together without harming each other, and run parallel without interfering with one another.” Thus, such principles denote China’s valuable inheritance and aid its development. With such a heritage, China should provide further guiding principles to the international order.

Third, it is important to recognize the effect of the international system on the construction of the international order. During any period of transformation, international conflicts always occur over international norms that have a strong impact on the development of the international order. China should aim to improve the basic rules of the globalized international system. It should also actively call for and guide the revision and improvement of the international system and the construction of a new international system. On the other hand, China should improve its agenda-setting capacity and fully participate in the readjustment of global rules. China also needs to advance the RIO with the construction of a new system and effectively maintain and facilitate China’s national strategic benefits. It is also important to emphasize the effect of the UN and to actively push forward the reform of the UN to assure its authoritative status as the basis of the international system.

Fourth, there needs to be a greater emphasis on the establishment of an order in East Asia, which will act as the base point. China should fully recognize the regional effect of its ascent, work to reduce any negative impacts stemming from its rise, and promote regional stability and common development. The CPC needs to improve “discussions about China” by the East Asian community, advance the design for a regional system, and strive to develop a transparent process for the construction of an East Asian community based on common benefits. Efforts must also be made to develop an East Asian community of shared benefits via systematic cooperation. A community must be established, one that is based on responsibilities whereby countries bear responsibilities together and important responsibilities are assigned to the great powers. An East Asian community of a common destiny should also be promoted. It is also essential that China cultivates and consolidates an equal, cooperative, East Asian order that is mutually beneficial, based on shared benefits, and an order where members assist each other. As the party affiliated to the key benefits of East Asia, China looks forward to entering an era, whereby it makes greater contributions to peaceful regional development, assumes regional responsibilities, and develops skills to its utmost potential. This process should follow the principle of gradual progress. Meanwhile, current regional affairs are numerous and complex and the countries all have different benefit requirements. A systemized foundation for regional cooperation can only be achieved following a gradual and orderly process to build a responsible community that bears responsibilities together and distributes important responsibilities to the great powers. Thus, awareness regarding a regional community of common destiny will be gradually strengthened. Therefore, China needs to deepen its understanding of regional public goods, work with other countries to achieve peaceful regional development, and objectively evaluate the fundamental benefit demands of other countries in the region. China must not only provide timely help but also realize shared prosperity to deepen awareness regarding an East Asian community of common destiny and to create an East Asian order.

Lastly, countries must actively bear the responsibility that comes with being a great power and establish a responsible, well-constructed, and appropriate image for inclusion in the international order. In an era characterized by the transformation of the international community, the need for basic moral principles remains; in fact, their value continues to grow. The moral image of a great power can be created in the following three ways: strengthen cooperation and coordination between countries, safeguard international morality, and preserve the basic principles of international law. Such actions are also necessary for China to expand state benefits to the world. China is marching forward, transitioning from a great regional power with global influence toward a great global power with a greater effect on global peace, security, and development. This, however, requires that China further improve its image as a responsible great power in the international community, provide more global and regional public goods, and become a responsible contributor in the creation of a new international order.