Abstract
Due to its special geographical location, Bangladesh has increasingly become an area of major interest to some of the world’s preeminent economic powers. China, India, and the United States lead that list, emphasizing soft power strategies, such as investments in international infrastructure projects, like the Asian highways, trans-Asian railways, and deep-sea ports. Promoting Asian connectivity, they have also dragged Bangladesh into their security orbit, with both China and India particularly requiring Bangladeshi collaboration for their domestic developmental imperatives. The study finds Bangladesh’s ricocheting passage through China’s “String of Pearl” policy approach, India’s adversarial “Look/Act East Policy” drive, and the U.S. “Pivot to Asia” mindset demand more balanced navigation, but threaten the domestic calibration between governmental, business-based, and popular preferences.
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Notes
- 1.
Karim and Mannan 2010.
- 2.
Herberg 2009.
- 3.
Ibn’Arabi 1975: 31.
- 4.
Chattogram’s population has historically had many residents from lands where the majority population has Mongoloid features, and thus some of the region’s residents have been characterized simply as “Chinese”. The present-day territory of China was understood differently in ancient days as Zhongguo, which referred to the central states. Zhongguo specifically referred to the primacy of a culturally distinct core area centered in the Yellow River valley, and distinguished the core area from the tribes of the periphery. The periphery encompassed regions of the Chinese suzerain, specifically of Korea and Japan, and extended to present-day Indonesia and Malaysia. See Esherick 2006: 232–33.
- 5.
Gibb 2001: 267.
- 6.
Gibb 2001: 268–71.
- 7.
Mannan 2015: 75.
- 8.
Kabir 2013: v–vii.
- 9.
Zomia refers to a geographical area that includes the highlands of north Indochina (north Vietnam and all of Laos), Thailand, the Shan Hills of northern Burma, and the mountains of Southwest China. Some of the region also extends as far west as Afghanistan, North India, Pakistan, and Tibet. See Scott 2009.
- 10.
Chowdhury 1985.
- 11.
Ray 2003: 246.
- 12.
- 13.
Glover 2000: 93.
- 14.
- 15.
Possibly lower Myanmar.
- 16.
Chowdhury 1996.
- 17.
Rahim 1963: 396.
- 18.
The Swampan design, which was assumedly imported from China at some historical point, differs remarkably from the designs of the contemporaneous types that plied the deltaic Bangladeshi rivers. See Chowdhury 1996: 96–7.
- 19.
Rahim 1963: 12.
- 20.
Steel 2015.
- 21.
Campos 1919, 113.
- 22.
Khan 1990: 3.
- 23.
Tottanidhi 2010: 26.
- 24.
See Jalil 1988.
- 25.
Rahim 1963: 43.
- 26.
Tottanidhi 2010: 31.
- 27.
A Mongolian ethnic group, the Koch, settled near Dhaka. See the documentary film by S.M. Khaled Mahfuz, Koch: Leaving Red Terrain.
- 28.
Majumdar 1985: xii–xiv.
- 29.
Chowdhury 1996: 96–7.
- 30.
Chowdhury 1996: 96–7.
- 31.
Chowdhury 1996: 97.
- 32.
Chowdhury 1996: 97.
- 33.
Sa’ad ibn Abi Waqqas’ shrine is located in Guangzhou.
- 34.
Mazaars in China. www-aulia-e-hind.com/dargah/Intl/Chin/ accessed on June 27, 2015.
- 35.
Wheatley 1961: 269–72.
- 36.
- 37.
Glover 2000, 95.
- 38.
‘In the Horiuzi temple of Japan, the manuscript of a Buddhistic work entitled Uşnīsa Vijay Dhārinī, has lately been found. The priests of the temple worship the manuscript, a fac-simile of which is now in the possession of the Oxford university. It is written in a character, which we consider to be identical with that prevalent in Bengal in the sixth century. Vide Anecdota Oxiniensis, vol. III’. See Sen 2007: 2.
- 39.
Bangladesh had to opt out for the new port because ever-increasing trade had already put pressure on the existing port facility.
- 40.
SSS comprises the seven contiguous and mutually dependent states of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Meghalaya, Manipur, Mizoram, Nagaland, and Tripura.
- 41.
India, Nepal, and Bangladesh have negotiated the route.
- 42.
McCartan 2011.
- 43.
Bahar 2010: 31.
- 44.
- 45.
With settlement of Bay of Bengal sea boundary disputes among Bangladesh, India, and Myanmar, Bangladesh is in a position to explore natural gas reserves in the Bay, with its estimated 200 trillion cubic feet of deposits, which would transform Bangladesh into ‘Asia’s new energy superpower’, according to Detsch 2014.
- 46.
Herberg 2009: 3.
- 47.
Klare 2008: 62.
- 48.
Chowdhury 2012.
- 49.
Kiran Stacey, “Chinese investment in Bangladesh rings India alarm bells,” The Financial Express, August 8, 2018, p. 1; the newspaper is a Dhaka daily in Bangladesh.
- 50.
In Chindia investment politics, the politics of the United States is undermined. In 2013, under U.S. pressure, the World Bank withdrew its commitment to fund the Padma Bridge on the pretext of corruption, but, in 2015, the World bank voluntarily offered to give Bangladesh over 1 billion USD for its ongoing connectivity project. See Byron 2015.
- 51.
Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi asserted the following: ‘China has identified five priority sectors—commerce, agriculture, industry, energy, and infrastructure—for its investment and support in Bangladesh’ and has committed to stand beside the country during any ‘emergency need’. He assured Bangladesh of assistance in constructing Dhaka-Cox’s Bazaar broad-guage rail track, setting up coal-based power plants and a rice research center, and exploring oil and natural gas, among others. As early as 2010, upon a request from the Bangladeshi prime minister, China offered four projects, namely 1.5 billion USD for a deep-sea port, 2.7 billion USD for the Karnaphuli River tunnel, a Bangladesh-Myanmar road corridor, and a Chinese Industrial Park at Chittagong. See both Xianglai 2013: 69–70; and Jacob 2015.
- 52.
The former refers to China’s proposals for infrastructure networks to create economic belts, one called the Silk Road Economic Belt, the other Maritime Silk Road. Most of China’s phenomenal growth has been along the eastern coast and Central China, but the undeveloped western provinces include Gansu, Guizhow, Qinghai, Shaanxi, Sichuan, and Yunnan. Also included are five autonomous regions: Guangxi, Inner Mongolia, Mingxia, Tibet, and Xinjiang, while one municipality, Chongqing, also lies in this neglected area.
- 53.
- 54.
Tea 2013.
- 55.
The subaltern masses include marginalized ethnic groups, peasants, and lower caste peoples.
- 56.
Johnson 2005: 204.
- 57.
Nasr 1997: 14.
- 58.
‘Barrage’ means ‘dam’. While a dam is for conserving water, which thus raises the water level significantly, a barrage is to divert the path of a water flow, but it raises the water level very little. See Shiva 2002: 62–7.
- 59.
The judgment of the Supreme Court of India argued in 2000 that the ‘project has the potential to feed as many as 20 million people, provide domestic and industrial water for about 30 million, employ 1 million, and provide electric power in an area with high unmet power demand.… Set against the future of about 70,000 project affected people, even without the multiplier effect, the ratio of beneficiaries to affected people is over 100: 12’. From Wikipedia, ‘Sardar Sarovar Dam’.
- 60.
At this time, Bangladesh, as an independent country, did not exist. The region was under the jurisdiction of East Pakistan until 1971.
- 61.
The Bangladesh region most affected by forces leading to the largest number of displaced people is in the southeast, in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT), where 53 percent of CHT population of 1.6 million is made of 11 minority groups, who collectively call themselves Pahari, or ‘hill people’ in Bangla.
- 62.
Glatz 2015.
- 63.
Swain 1996.
- 64.
Panda 2015.
- 65.
The Constitution of India recognizes Scheduled Castes as various groups who are historically disadvantaged in India. The Scheduled Castes are sometimes referred to as Dalits. See Kumar 1992: 290–302.
- 66.
Bhengara 1996.
- 67.
Schendel 2005.
- 68.
The Chakma ethnic group is the largest and makes up one-half of the population of the Chittagong Hill Tracts. With the construction of the Kaptai Dam and loss of their ancestral and arable land, thousands of Chakma migrated to and settled in Arunachal Pradesh in India, and about 80,000 migrated to Myanmar, where they are known as the Daingnet people. See ‘Chakma people’, Wikipedia.
- 69.
Upadhyay 2009: 48–9.
- 70.
Karim and Mannan 2010: 10–11.
- 71.
Lintner 2012.
- 72.
Garda 2011.
- 73.
- 74.
There are about 33 Islamist radical parties, including Juama’atul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB), Shahdat-e-al Hikma, Jamaat-e Yeaheya-al-Turat, Hizbut Touhid, Touhidi Janata, and 27 others. Additionally, there are about seven Maoist-Leftist part-rebel groups, for example, Purbo Banglar Communist Party (PBCP), PBCP Jono Juddho, Bipplobi Communist Party (BCP), Gono Mukti Fouz (GMF), Gono Bahini, New Bipplobi Communist Party (NBCP), Sarbahara Party (REF), and two organizations in Chattogram Hill Tracts.
- 75.
Lintner 2012: xii.
- 76.
However, the ferrying of military-grade hardware through Bangladesh to the insurgency-infested northeastern Indian states creates grave concern in Bangladesh that the transit will make such vehicles vulnerable to insurgent attacks within Bangladesh and create a security nightmare for law enforcement for both countries. See Islam 2015.
- 77.
All these steps caused a problem for the old Indian mindset based on the idea of “hegemon”. For example, while India’s central government agreed to share river water with Bangladesh, the West Bengal (Indian state adjacent to Bangladesh on the west), refused to release water from the international river Teesta for Bangladesh.
- 78.
Notably excluded here thus far has been an assessment of the influence of the West Asian countries like Pakistan and Afghanistan on violence in the South Asian region, but in a later section on new alliances in South Asia, West Asian countries play a central role.
- 79.
Two major reasons listed are an expected demographic explosion in the region and, as shown on four cited indices regarding governance, the inadequacies of the region’s governments: ‘Each of the South Asian countries, through with wide variation, also fares poorly on human development and poverty indices, has large underbellies of neglect, polarized populations, and a divisive politics, that lend themselves easily to provocation to violence’.
- 80.
- 81.
Haq 2000.
- 82.
Wennmann 2005.
- 83.
Cederlof and Sivaramakrishnan 2006.
- 84.
Askari 2012.
- 85.
Garada 2013: 35.
- 86.
Garada 2013: 35.
- 87.
Ginnetti and Lavell (2015), in a study of disaster risk reduction (DRR) that works with the thesis that decisions made by people affect the severity of the effects of natural events—such as people congregating in city outskirts that lie on drained river beds and thus more lives are lost from flooding—propose that institutions regard past actions, rather than just trying to respond to immediate disasters, to finds ways of reducing the risk of impact of natural events. Of course, the severity of the natural events themselves is often affected by human choices.
- 88.
- 89.
Prabhakra 2004: 4, 606.
- 90.
Modi 2015.
- 91.
Glover 2000.
- 92.
Karim and Mannan 2010.
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Mannan, M. (2019). “Shining” or “Suffering” South Asia? China’s South Asian Footprints. In: Hussain, I. (eds) South Asia in Global Power Rivalry. Global Political Transitions. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-7240-7_3
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