Abstract
Social democratic parties face two main crises of equality. Firstly, their central mission involved reducing economic inequality under capitalism, yet economic inequality is increasing. Secondly, that mission historically largely revolved around improving the position of a white, heterosexual, male breadwinner head of household. Consequently, social democratic parties were implicated in constructing exclusionary forms of gender, racial and sexual identity. It was only later in the twentieth century that their concept of equality expanded. So the second crisis revolves around how social democratic parties manage issues such as gender, racial, ethnic and sexual equality. Those expanded equality issues involve both discrimination and their own forms of economic inequality. They intersect with class but cannot be reduced to capitalist inequality and can cause tensions with more traditional constituencies. The chapter mainly focuses on Australian material, arguing that Australia’s pioneering role in the history of social democracy, including in developing its neoliberal-influenced forms, has often been overlooked. Furthermore, its position as a multicultural, but still predominantly Western society located in the Asia-Pacific makes Australia particularly interesting to analyse in the changing geo-economics of the twenty-first century. However, examples are also given from other countries internationally, including Sweden, Germany, Britain, France and India.
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Notes
- 1.
For reasons of feasibility and scope, the analysis here has been largely limited to periods of federal government. For an analysis of Labor periods in opposition see Lavelle (2018). However, the period of opposition after the 2013 defeat of the second Rudd government has been included, in order to analyse the policies being developed for a possible future Labor government.
- 2.
On why there isn’t a labour party in the United States, see Archer (2010).
- 3.
Though the dichotomy between social democracy and communism is not quite as clear in countries such as India, where some commentators argue that communist state governments have instituted largely social democratic policies (Sen 2016, p. 201; Harriss and Törnquist 2016, p. 53). Many Indian advocates of social democracy do see the private sector as playing a major role in a reformed capitalism (Khilnani 2013, pp. 15–19). The Indian Congress Party’s links with social democracy are discussed in more depth in chapter seven. The dichotomy between social democracy and communism was reinforced in some other Asian countries such as Singapore, for example by Lee (1967) at the time that he still argued that the People’s Action Party (PAP) was the Singaporean equivalent of the British Labour Party. However, the PAP withdrew from Socialist International after a Dutch attempt to expel them, partly for authoritarian repression of intellectual freedom and the trade union movement (see Wee 2007, pp. 67, 72–73). The PAP argued that such measures were necessary to defeat communism (see Devan Nair 1976). Despite its historical links, the PAP now plays down its links with social democratic ideology (see further Tan 2012, especially p. 84) and, consequently, is not analysed in this book.
- 4.
Claims by some media sources that Productivity Commission (2018) research has debunked Labor’s arguments regarding growing inequality have themselves been criticised by Peter Whiteford (2018). See the Productivity Commission (2018, p. 6) research for the impact of government transfers, including some previous Labor government ones (Rudd 2018, p. 161), rather than economic factors, on the Commission’s findings.
- 5.
Ben Jackson’s book Equality and the British left: A study in progressive thought 1900–1964 (2011) does include substantial material on the British Labour Party in this period, but focuses on class inequality.
- 6.
Which is not to deny that race, like gender and sexual identity, is a socially constructed concept. See Spencer (2014, pp. xvii–xxvii).
- 7.
While such forms of inequality may intersect with capitalist class relations, it is important to reject forms of economic reductionism that reduce them to capitalism. Although I cannot develop these arguments in depth here, see for example, Johnson (1996).
- 8.
The Australian Labor Party’s name was actually spelled as “Labour” prior to 1912, but is spelled as “Labor” here for reasons of consistency.
- 9.
Despite the fact that women gained the right to vote and stand for Australian parliament very early in international terms, namely 1894 in South Australia and 1902 (for white women, and previously enrolled Indigenous women) when the new nation of Australia was formed, making it the first country in the world to grant both rights (see further Wilson and McKeown 2003; NMA 2018).
- 10.
Some of the content in this section uses and draws upon an earlier Working Paper, see Johnson (2015).
- 11.
Coalition governments refers in the Australian context to the longstanding governmental coalition between the Liberal Party (the equivalent of the British Conservative Party) and the National Party (formerly the Country Party).
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Johnson, C. (2019). Social Democracy and the Crisis of Equality: The Background. In: Social Democracy and the Crisis of Equality. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-6299-6_1
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