Abstract
This chapter analyzes the tension between the image of the evangelical child and that of the filial child in translated bestsellers and forgotten tracts. It considers how missionary authors tried to reconcile these potentially contradictory images in their translations for Chinese children. On the one hand, translated tracts and bestsellers often utilized readers’ familiarity with filial piety to help illustrate foreign Christian concepts; on the other, their message that obedience to God takes precedence over being filial toward one’s parents challenged the prevailing model of Chinese childhood. The texts that I examine are translations of the nineteenth-century bestsellers The History of Little Henry and His Bearer, The Peep of Day, and Jessica’s First Prayer and the forgotten tracts The Lapland Girl, The Lighthouse Keeper’s Daughter, and The Swiss Boy.
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Notes
- 1.
Other stories about Wang Xiang (185–269) include an anecdote about how he braves rain and winds during the night to use his body to protect his stepmother’s favorite plum tree. See Mather (1995) for more discussion.
- 2.
While postcolonial critiques of The History of Little Henry and His Bearer have condemned the story for its colonialist attitudes (e.g. Regaignon 2001), Kiran Mascarenhas argues that “Sherwood’s primary critique within Little Henry is directed not at Indians but at Anglo-Indians who have not embraced Evangelical Christianity” (2014, 431). Grossman (2001) states that in Sherwood’s colonial conversion stories, “Sherwood’s uncertainty about colonial values resonates even as she derogates Hindus and Muslims, touting her sense of national superiority, lauding Calvinist precepts and defining domestic normality by invoking memories of home” (19).
- 3.
Mortimer’s Line upon Line; or, A Second Series of the Earliest Religious Instruction the Infant Mind is Capable of Receiving (1837) was also translated into different Chinese dialects, including Suzhou, Ningbo, and Shanghai dialects.
- 4.
The story was first serialized in the RTS periodical Sunday at Home in 1886. A film based on the story appeared in 1906; there were lantern slides and songs associated with it as well (Bratton 2016, 85). Hesba Stretton (Sarah Smith) was a key author for the RTS because, in 1868, sales of her new books represented thirty-four percent of the Society’s total book sales (Rickard 2006, 108). Stretton’s audience was cross-generational, comprising children and newly literate adults (Cutt, 144). Stretton’s success has been attributed to her combination of the “sensation novel” with the tract book (Wolff 1977, 241) and the absence of a condescending tone in her works (Lomax 2009, 58).
- 5.
More’s Parley the Porter: An Allegory (ca. 1796) was translated as Liangke yuyan in 1875 by Mary Harriet Porter.
- 6.
Although the word “tract” was associated with religion and politics in the nineteenth century, it was previously used to refer to “any pamphlet or short printed book” (Cutt, 2; Thwaite 2006, 40).
- 7.
According to Bays, this figure excludes “secular publications by missionaries and mission presses, and also [excludes] copies or portions of the Bible” (20).
- 8.
In the past, fiction never enjoyed any important place in the world of “orthodox” literature (Wong 1999, 24). Some novels did use the first-person narrator, such as Wu Jianren (Woyao)’s Bizarre Happenings Eye-witnessed over Two Decades (Ershi nian mudu zhi guai xianzhuang, 1909).
- 9.
Many of the titles are no longer extant and can only be found as titles in catalogs of the mission presses. For example, The Girl who Loved the Bible (Xi du shengshu xiaojie) was a ten-page tract sold for 0.30 for 100 copies in 1884 (ARCRTS, 32).
- 10.
Female translators such as “Miss Y. Y. Yuen” were acknowledged as collaborating with Laura White on the translation of As the Twig Is Bent, and “Miss Li Kuan Fang” is listed as the sole translator of The Secret Garden, second edition. “Cheo Tsai Lan” is listed as co-translator with Laura White for Sara Crewe, The Little Princess (Christian Publishers’ Association of China 1933, 124).
- 11.
Caroline Tenney came to China in 1850 as a single female missionary and married Keithland Keith in 1853. For more about their lives, see Keith (1864). Keith also translated Mortimer’s Line upon Line as Tongmeng xun, published in Shanghai in 1857.
- 12.
Henry Blodget was sent by the ABCFM and arrived in Shanghai in 1854. He was stationed in Shanghai, Tianjin, and Beijing. He returned to the United States in 1894. Sometimes his surname is rendered as Blodgett in The Chinese Recorder and other catalogs of missionary publications.
- 13.
Since the first edition of Keith’s translation seems to have been published in 1853, this teacher must have been the collaborator on the second revised edition of the book. In June 1853, she had finished the revised translation of “Henry and his Bearer” (Keith 1864, 190).
- 14.
In a letter written from Chinkiang (Zhenjiang) dated April 10, 1900, Mary C. Robinson tells the editors of Woman’s Work in the Far East that the younger students at her school, whose average age is thirteen, “say they like ‘Henry and his Bearer’ as well as ‘Swiss Boy’” (72).
- 15.
Helen Sanford Coan married John Livingstone Nevius in 1853, and they landed in Ningbo in 1854. For more information on their life in China, see Nevius, Our Life in China (1869). Nevius’s translation of The Swiss Boy into Ningbo dialect was listed as She-pi Kyi—the Story of a Swiss Boy Forgiving His Enemies (see Illustrated Catalogue 1884, 108). She also translated Peep of Day into Ningbo dialect in 1858.
- 16.
Before leaving for China to serve in the Foochow (Fuzhou) Mission, Payson was a schoolteacher in Pompey, New York, in the 1850s (Re-union 1875). Although Payson had spent four hours a day learning Chinese when she first landed in China in 1869 (1869, 50), she probably received assistance from a Chinese collaborator to produce Xiaozi bi du.
- 17.
Instances of domestication of food and drink point to the translators’ assumption about their target audience’s lack of knowledge and experience of the world. Blodget domesticates food names by translating toast and water as a single item: xifan tang (rice porridge soup) rather than kao mianbao (toasted bread) and shui (water).
- 18.
Even though coffee was first introduced to China in the late nineteenth century, it did not become widely popular until the late twentieth century (ICO 2015). Missionary Martha Foster Crawford first translated the word “coffee” into Chinese in her 1866 cook book Zao yangfan shu (Foreign Cookery). In a 1929 translation of Peter and Wendy, coffee is translated using the phonemic loanword kafei (Yuan Mingming 2015). Interestingly, Klingberg notes that in continental target texts, English tea is often replaced with coffee or cocoa (1986, 39–40).
- 19.
See Chen Pingyuan (2003) for discussion of the changing narrative techniques in Chinese fiction.
- 20.
I am referring to the 1867 edition. The source text lacks chapter divisions, but Hengli shilu has twenty-five chapters.
- 21.
Lai interprets this translation as a deliberate attack against Buddhism, which was prevalent in China (2012c, xx–xxi).
- 22.
For analysis of the Cantonese translation by George Piercy, see Lai (2006, 469–71).
- 23.
While Mr. Tong’s work was likely never completed and published, a Shanghai dialect version was published in 1860 as Mengyang qiming and credited to Mrs. William G. E. Cunningham. For a full list of the Chinese translations, see Lai’s appendix in “Christian Tracts in Chinese Costume” (2006). Lai has analyzed different translations of this book, noting the translation strategies employed. Summarizing the translation strategies of three translators, Lai writes, “To render the text accessible and acceptable, they were conscious in their role as translators to bridge, if not plug, the gaps by constantly adjusting the Christian message to the Chinese idiom” (2006, 468).
- 24.
Lai observes that “Holmes’ translation was not meant to be read by children for leisure, but mostly by school children as a textbook, and was, in this sense, similar in its function to the original” (2012b, 163). The first page of Xun’er zhenyan states that Holmes provided an oral translation of the main ideas and Zhou wrote them down. Although Zhou’s name is mentioned in the text, he is not credited in the catalogs of Christian literature, indicating the marginal status of the Chinese translator (Lai 2006, 476). Hyatt describes Zhou as “a sometime convert who was at some time hired and fired by virtually every missionary in Teng-chow” (1976, 108). Zhou renounced his Christian faith sometime after 1866 (Lai 2006, 475). Sallie Holmes and her husband James established the mission at Chifoo (Yantai) in 1860. James Holmes was killed outside of Tengchow in 1861 by a group of anti-foreign rebels that were an offshoot of the Taipings (Hattaway 2018). See also the introduction of Lai (2012c) for analysis of the translation strategies used in Zhengdao qimeng.
- 25.
T. W. Pearce of the Canton Tract Committee reported that he saw a notice that The Peep of Day would be read at a chapel in the countryside at fixed times of the day. He wrote, “I found on inquiry that many neighbours dropped in to hear the reading, and were willing to testify to the pleasure they found in doing so” (ARRTS 1877, 167) (cited in Lai 2006, 471).
- 26.
While some details are added, others are omitted. For example, the narrator’s commentary about Peter’s denial is left out, “If Peter had prayed in the garden instead of going to sleep, he would have behaved better” (Mortimer 1845, 142). When the narrator speaks of Thomas, she says, “I do not know why he was not there,” but this is left out of the Chinese translation (173).
- 27.
The Holmes and Zhou text also includes this detail about his intestines falling out.
- 28.
Another missionary translator that adapted a children’s book for the Chinese adult audience is Donald MacGillvray, who was heavily involved with the CLS, which regarded reaching the Chinese elites as the key to Christianizing the Chinese nation. He translated nine of the parables in Margaret Gatty’s Parables from Nature (1855–71) as Hesheng mingsheng. Parables from Nature combines Gatty’s interest in natural history with her religious faith. According to Katz, “the lessons of the parables repeat themselves from one series to the next. Contending elements or garden plants learn to live with one another in a balanced, harmonious state. Young people and adults, insects, animals, trees, and vegetation all learn through experience the importance of faith, the limitations of reason, the mystery of the unseen, and the individual place of all forms of life” (1993, 51). As Ni Siwen observes, MacGillvray’s translation of Gatty’s Parables from Nature contains references to classical Chinese texts, and the titles of each of the parables are all rendered in four characters, because most Chinese proverbs (yanyu) are expressed in four characters (2015, 99). These translation strategies suggest that MacGillvray was trying to appeal to the scholarly elite. However, Cosslett (2003) argues that Margaret Gatty was actually writing for adult doubters, using the format of a children’s book as a guise. Therefore, Gatty’s audience was not necessarily only children, as Ni assumes.
- 29.
Burns also translated The Pilgrim’s Progress into Chinese, and this translation was used by Murakami Shunkichi to produce a Japanese translation of Bunyan’s story under the title Tenro rekitei iyaku (The Pilgrimage to Heaven: A Loose Translation). See Judy Wakabayashi (2008) for more details.
- 30.
Similarly, Ni Siwen (2015) posits that Donald MacGillvray leaves out the quotations from Alfred Tennyson and Jeremy Taylor in Hesheng mingsheng because these authors are unknown to Chinese readers.
- 31.
- 32.
- 33.
In the Holmes and Zhou translation, there is also no mention of Jesus’s mother telling him there is no more wine. Rather, the text presents Jesus as already knowing the wine was gone and immediately telling the servants what to do.
- 34.
One li is half a kilometer by today’s standards, but this has varied during different dynasties.
- 35.
Although Hua Mulan fought as a soldier, her main motivation for going to war was to demonstrate her filial piety toward her elderly ailing father.
- 36.
See Peng Deng (1997) for information on private education in modern China. It was not until 1907 that women’s education was officially incorporated by the Qing government into the educational system. Even though some girls were provided with educational opportunities, there were still many restrictions on their lives. In 1904, Rong Qing, Zhang Baixi, and Zhang Zhidong wrote in “Memorial to Create Regulations for Kindergartens and Family Education” that “Girls should not go to school in groups or parade in the streets and markets. They should not read too many Western books or mistakenly learn foreign customs. This is so that they won’t start the trend to choose their own spouses and to disrespect their parents and future husbands” (cited in Chen Pingyuan 2008, 336).
- 37.
This changed in the twentieth century, particularly with the rise and influence of mission schools and intellectual reformers who wanted the girls to grow up to be strong women.
- 38.
Three thousand copies of this story were printed in 1893 (ARCRTS 1893, 10). The Lighthouse Keeper’s Daughter was published by the RTS with the subtitle “a true story” and no author’s name printed. The Chinese translation contains original illustrations engraved by Chinese artists. One of the images has the signature of an artist surnamed Liu.
- 39.
Lingchu milu was issued in Beijing in 1866 by Fuyin tang. Another copy was published in 1875 by the APMP. The Lost Child Brought Home was originally published by the Weekly Tract Society, which was founded in 1847 and had distributed half a million tracts in 1853 (Wylie 1867, 264; Jordan 1987, 309).
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Chen, SW.S. (2019). The Filial Child and the Evangelical Child in Translated Bestsellers and Forgotten Tracts. In: Children’s Literature and Transnational Knowledge in Modern China. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-6083-1_2
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-6083-1_2
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Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore
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