Abstract
The Theories of Māratic Poetic Power (Moluo shili shuo, 1907) represents Lu Xun’s early concern with the Romantic poets. Written during the critical period of China crisis, it rounds out thematically “an intention to revolt and an aim to take action” against the foreign imperialist invasion, feudalist political culture, and perverse conventions. Meanwhile, it promotes the necessity of democratic revolution, intellectual reform, liberation of individuality, and reconstruction of national identity, among others.
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Notes
- 1.
In his early years when Lu Xun was directly influenced by social ideology, he made “three drops − out and three takes − up” as to choose what to study in school and what to pursue for his career. This remarkable experience was partly owing to his initial aspirations held in his youth. First, it is out of his interest in “warship and artillery,” which were commonly believed as powerful weapons to defend and fortify the declining China. The May of 1898 witnessed his registration in Nanjing Jiangnan Navy School to study military science. Later, deeply disappointed by the unqualified faculty and their teaching among others, he dropped the major and transferred in January 1899 to Nanjing Mining Affairs and Railway School to learn natural sciences and technology. There he graduated with a diploma in January 1902. Not long afterwards, he was determined to quit his pursuit of natural science and turned to medical science in order to become a doctor and cure patients like his own father whose treatment had been delayed by pseudo doctors (Cf. Lu Xun, “Nahan xu” [Preface to The Streaming], 1923). In Lin Yusheng’s analysis, there were literally several factors that led Lu Xun to taking up medical science: one of them was his distrust in Chinese theory of medicine, which started since an unhappy “incident of toothache” in his childhood. “When he was between fourteen and fifteen years old, he once suffered toothache. The ailing was not cured through traditional Chinese therapy, and his pain became more acute when Lu Xun felt himself humiliated in the treatment. According to the traditional theory of Chinese medicine, tooth is related to kidney which is held as part of reproductive system of a male; toothache is believed to result from “insufficiency of the yin,” i.e., “lack of physical contact with the female.” For this unreasonable reason at that time, it was shameful of a person to tell about his own toothache. Therefore, Lu Xun never mentioned it on any another occasion. Lu himself once told Sun Fuyuan that it was one of the reasons why he decided to take up medical science.” (Cf. Sun Fuyuan, “Lu Xun xiansheng ersan shi” [Some Anecdotes of Lu Xun], pp. 66−67; also see Lin Yusheng, “Lu Xun de fuza yishi” [Lu Xun’s Complex Mentality], in Yue Daiyun (ed.), Guowai Lu Xun yanjiu lunji [Anthology of Overseas Study of Lu Xun] (Beijing: Peking University Press, 1981), p. 44.) In fact, another important contributing factor was that Lu Xun learnt that Japan’s successful Reformation mainly started with Western medicine, which he thought would be very helpful to strengthen his fellow people’s belief in new thoughts. (Cf. Tang Tao, Lu Xun de meixue sixiang [Lu Xun’s Aesthetic Thought] (Beijing: Renmin Wenxue Press, 1984), pp. 260−261). In addition, the social factor was that Lu Xun believed his study of Western medicine would help treat Chinese women’s deformed feet and help them out of this malpractice. (Cf. Xu Shaoshang, Wo suo zhidao de Lu Xun [Lu Xun: the Person I Know]).
In 1902, Lu Xun went to Japan, first learning Japanese for two years in Tokyo Hirohumi Gakkou (1902−1904) and then moving to Sendai Medical School to study Western medicine for nearly three years (1904−1906). In 1906 when he was inwardly hurt by the “slideshow incident” (Cf. Lu Xun, “Nahan xu” [Preface to The Screaming], 1923), he finally decided to give up medicine and turned to literature. In the same year, he returned to Tokyo and joined in the contention between the revolutionist and reformist. It took him three years (1906−1909) before he returned to China (1909). The motivation that drove him to focus on literature was widely interpreted as “being saddened by their misfortune and being inflamed by their submission,” the evidence of which can be found in his “Nahan xu” [Preface to The Screaming]. Both the slideshow about the Russian−Japanese War (1904−1905) and the pitiable Chinese “culture of passersby (a muscular body, an insensitive look, and habitual on − looking)” greatly upset the young and patriotic Lu Xun. Since then, as he said, he “felt that the study of medicine did not appear urgent any more, for the stupefied and vulnerable people, no matter how strong and sound they were built, could be nothing more than meaningless stuff for public displaying or on−looking. Therefore, their death from illness was not worth our mourning. The first thing for us to do was to enlighten their spirit then; for my part, the most potential medium for this cause was surely literature and art. So, I wanted to push ahead literature and art movement.” (Cf. Lu Xun, “Nahan xu” [Preface to The Screaming].) As a matter of fact, Lu Xun’s resuming of literature was not an overnight and whimsical decision. As early as in his childhood, he had developed a strong interest in literature and art, becoming particularly sensitive to the enlightenment of humanity. All this could be justified by the facts as follows: (1) Life-long attachment to engraving art. When he was a little boy and later a teenager, he began to take to copying down works of wooden cutting and books written on slate; at 17, he produced Ga Jiansheng zaji [The Anecdotes of Ga Jiansheng]; between 19 and 20, he wrote Bie zhu di [The Farewell to My Brothers] and Xi hua [The Pity with Flower] among other verses and prose writings. (Cf. Zhou Zuoren, Lu Xun de gushi [Stories of Lu Xun]). (2) Extraordinary preference of literature. In 1903, he translated Around the World in Eighty Days and All Around the Moon, science fictions by French novelist Verne (published by Tokyo Evolutionism Society, and included in the first volume of Anthology of Lu Xun’s Translation Works). (3) Deep concern with politics and national character. Xu Shoushang recalled that, when he became acquaintance in 1902 with Lu Xun in Tokyo Hirohumi Gakkou, he found Lu Xun was primarily concerned about such issues as what the perfect humanity was, what was missing in Chinese character, and where the root of defect in national character was to be found. In their discussion, Lu Xun said that he had pinned down the mostly needed and the most undesirable in Chinese national character, i.e., the lack of “honesty and love.” “In another word, it is the evil of fraud, disguise, shamelessness, suspicion, and mutual attacking.” (Cf. Xu Shaoshang, Wo suo zhidao de Lu Xun [Lu Xun: the Person I Know]). (4) The influence of domestic scholars. Particularly, Lu Xun had been under the influence of Yan Fu’s translation of the theory of evolution promoted in The Origin of Species and the thought of “revolution in the field of novel” held up in Liang Qichao’s essay on “Lun xiaoshuo yu qunzhi zhi guanxi” [The Relationship between Novel and Democracy]. (5) Inspiration from overseas scholars, especially from the conception of literary and artistic reform put forward by Japanese counterparts. For example, Kimura Takatarou, a Japanese biographical writer of Byron, thought that Japan at that time was characterized by a great number of weakened and defenseless literati and charlatan scholars who claimed to be genius; there went rampant the flattery, blarney, hypocrisy, jealousy, and slander; the whole society had come to a standstill with humanity being deteriorated; Byronic heroism was urgently needed to restore to order and promote healthy growth of literature and art (Cf. Kitaoka Masako, Moluo shili shuo caiyuan kao [Investigation of Source Materials for The Theories of Māratic Poetic Power] (Beijing: Beijing Normal Uiversity Press, 1983), p. 5). In my own opinion, that Lu Xun dropped the study of medical science and took up literary career appeared occidental but was actually an inevitable choice; for this choice was based on the above-listed factors.
- 2.
The four papers follow: (1) “The Human History” (Ren de li shi). This paper was first published in the first issue of the monthly Henan in December, 1907. In 1926 Lu Xun added it to his prose collection The Grave (Fen). It was his earliest paper that introduced the theory of biological evolution through a systematic account of monistic genealogy by Ernst Haeckel (1834−1919), and a brief overview of biological evolutionism by Jean de Lamarck (1744−1829), and Charles Darwin (1809−1882) among others. The theoretical ground of Lu Xun’s early thought can be traced out in this paper. (2) “Education in the History of Science” (Kexue shi jiao pian). It was written in 1907 under the penname of Ling Fei and first came out in June, 1908 in the fifth issue of Henan. In this important paper written in his early years about the history of Western natural sciences, Lu Xun attributed to scientists a progressive role in human history, illustrated the role of a stimulus science has been playing in modern and contemporary civilization, and dealt with the relationship between basic theory and applied science, with a purpose to expose for condemnation those countrymen who stubbornly resisted reform, adhered to outdated customs, and backed up restoration of the archaism and even regression. (3) “On Ideological Error in Culture” (Wenhua pian zhi lun). It was written under the penname of Xun Xing in 1907 and first appeared in August 1908 in the seventh issue of Henan. The gist of this reconsideration was for the purpose of “curbing the material development, spurring spiritual enlightenment, appointing the trustworthy and competent individual, and unyielding to the stupid masses.” In this way, Lu Xun was trying to drive forward spiritual freedom, build up individuality, lay bare the partiality of bourgeoisie culture, and accuse the Westernization advocates of their barren-grounded showiness, hypocrisy, deception, and big talk about military affairs. He therefore called them “a flock with a tint of ability and petty wit.” As for those people who once studied abroad and worshiped the Westernization Campaign as the only way out, Lu Xun slashed with unsparing criticism for their shallowness and self-deception, pointing out that they “do not know Chinese reality, neither do they truly understand European and American cultures. Whatever dust they could pick up, they would present it as a sharp weapon, which they hold up as top priority of a country. They introduce language of modern civilization in order to put on as ornament.” (4) “The Theories of Māratic Poetic Power” (Moluo shili shuo).
- 3.
Kitaoka Masako, Moluo shili shuo caiyuan kao [Investigation of Source Materials for the Theories of Māratic Poetic Power] (Beijing: Beijing Normal University Press, 1983), p. 1. Here, the English translation is based on the Chinese version and offered by the author of the paper.
- 4.
Tang Tao, Lu Xun de meixue sixiang [Lu Xun’s Aesthetic Thought] (Beijing: Renmin Wenxue Press, 1984), p. 67.
- 5.
Tang Tao, Lu Xun de meixue sixiang [Lu Xun’s Aesthetic Thought], p. 67. Also see “Romanticism,” in Wang Shide (ed.), Meixue cidian [A Dictionary of Aesthetics] (Beijing: Knowledge Press, 1986), pp. 429−430.
- 6.
Sally Scholz, On Rousseau (USA: Wadsworth/Thompson Learning, Inc., 2001), pp. 3−5.
- 7.
“Māra” and “mo” in Ci hai [An Encyclopaedic Dictionary] (Shanghai: Shanghai Cishu Press, 1980).
- 8.
Lu Xun, Moluo shili shuo [The Theories of Māratic Poetic Power], 2nd section.
- 9.
Lu Xun, “Wenhua pian zhi lun” [The Ideological Error in Culture].
- 10.
Lu Xun, “Po e sheng lun” [On Anti-Hypocritical Language].
- 11.
Zeng Qingrui, “Dui zhongguo jindai sixiang qimeng yundong de xingongxian” [A New Contribution to Modern Intellectual Enlightenment Movement in China], in Lu Xun yanjiu [The Journal of Lu Xun Studies] (Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 1981), Vol. 2, p. 212.
- 12.
Lu Xun, Wen hua pian zhi lun [On Ideological Error in Culture].
- 13.
Ibid.
- 14.
Lu Xun, Nalai zhuyi [On Borrowing Strategy].
- 15.
Wang Shijing, Lu Xun Zaoqi wupian lunwen zhushi [Annotations of Lu Xun’s Early Five Essays] (Tianjin: Tianjin People’s Press, 1978), p. 198.
- 16.
The English translation follows: “Whoever has gained wisdom concerning ancient origins will eventually look for wells of the future and for new origins. O my brothers, it will not be overlong before new peoples originate and new wells roar down into new depths.” Cf. Walter Kaufmann (ed. and trans.), The Portable Nietzsche (New York: Penguin Books USA Inc., 1976), p. 323.
- 17.
Lu Xun, Moluo shili shuo [The Theories of Māratic Poetic Power], 1st section.
- 18.
Ibid.
- 19.
Undoubtedly, Lu Xun’s thought is rich with its theoretical sources relating to humanitarianism, democracy, the Enlightenment, and new idealism, etc. He personally devoted himself to promoting the ideas of freedom of thought, equality, fraternity, individuality, initiative spirit, and human dignity, in hope that people would think in accordance with the latest trends. His pursuits were in sharp contrast to those pragmatists (chong shi lun zhe) or those who either daydreamed cultural restoration, held fast to the quintessence of national legacy, or relied solely on Westernization for national revival. Here, this difference is left for future discussion.
- 20.
As Xu Shoushan recalled, “One day, when the book was mentioned during a conversation between Lu Xun and me, he immediately recited several chapters of it.” Cf. Li Zehou, “Lüe lun Lu Xun sixiang de fazhan” [A Brief Review of the Development of Lu Xun’s Thought], in Lu Xun yanjiu jikan [The Anthology of Lu Xun Study] (Shanghai: Shanghai Literature and Art Press, 1979), Vol. 1, p. 33, Note 4.
- 21.
Lu Xun, Lu Xun quan ji [The Complete Works of Lu Xun] (Beijing: Renmin Wenxue Press, 1958), Vol. 1, p. 412.
- 22.
Lu Xun, Moluo shili shuo [The Theories of Māratic Poetic Power], 6th section.
- 23.
Percey Bysshe Shelley, “A Defense of Poetry,” in Hazard Adams (ed.), Critical Theory Since Plato (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanoich, 1971), pp. 512−513. Also see Percey Bysshe Shelley, “A Defense of Poetry,” in Wang Peiji et al. (trans.), Yingguo zuojia lun wenxue [English Writers on Literature] (Beijing: Sanlian Bookshop, 1985), pp. 122−123.
- 24.
Lu Xun, Moluo shili shuo [The Theories of Māratic Poetic Power], 2nd section.
- 25.
Ibid.
- 26.
Percey Bysshe Shelley, A Defense of Poetry , in Hazard Adams (ed.), Critical Theory since Plato , p. 499. Also see Wang Peiji, et al. (trans.), Yingguo zuojia lun wenxue [English Writers on Literature], pp. 90−91.
- 27.
Lu Xun, Moluo shili shuo [The Theories of Māratic Poetic Power], 3rd section.
- 28.
Lu Xun, “Kexue shi jiao pian” [Education in the History of Science], 1907.
- 29.
Lu Xun, Moluo shili shuo [The Theories of Māratic Poetic Power], 5th section.
- 30.
Ibid., 6th section.
- 31.
Ibid., 7th section.
- 32.
Ibid., 8th section.
- 33.
Ibid., 9th section.
- 34.
Ibid., 5th section.
- 35.
Ibid.
- 36.
Ibid., 2nd section.
- 37.
Liu Zaifu, Lu Xun meixue sixiang lungao [On Lu Xun’s Aesthetic Ideas] (Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 1981), p. 97.
- 38.
Lu Xun, “Zailun leifengta de daodiao” [A Second Review of the Fallen Leifeng Tower], 1925.
- 39.
Liu Zaifu, Lu Xun meixue sixiang lungao [On Lu Xun’s Aesthetic Ideas], pp. 96−97.
- 40.
Wen Rumin, Zhongguo xiandai wenxue pipingshi [A Critical History of Modern Chinese Literature] (Beijing: Peking University Press, 2000), p. 3.
- 41.
Lu Xun, Moluo shili shuo [The Theories of Māratic Poetic Power], 2nd section.
- 42.
Lu Xun, Moluo shili shuo [The Theories of Māratic Poetic Power], 3rd section.
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Wang, K. (2019). A Sublime Poetics of Māratic Type. In: Chinese Culture of Intelligence. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-3173-2_16
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