Abstract
Faith, in general, and faith-based movements, in particular, play a quintessential role in contemporary civil society.
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Notes
- 1.
Voluntary sector movements as crucial actors in the process of welfare and development are an important signature in civil society that needs cognisance. Faith-based movements in particular that represent a distinctive category through the institutional construction of faith (Sanctis, 1927) deem visibility.
- 2.
For a detailed enumeration of concepts linked to social service such as seva, morality, ethics, altruism, philanthropy, virtues, and compassion, see Potter, K.H. (Ed.), (1995), Encyclopaedia of Indian Philosophies. 1(II), pp. 902–1321. New Delhi: Motilal Banarasidass.
- 3.
Devadasi women were dedicated to a temple as girls (and as such have been allocated a share in the temple land holdings) and trained in dance to perform at the temple ceremonies as well as household rituals of temple patrons. These patrons took care of the temple income and became sole sexual partners of the devadasis for the period of their patronage. During the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries, Indian social reform campaigns sought to eradicate this system under the broader rubric of anti-nautch (Hodges, 2005).
- 4.
For almost a century now, scholars of medieval Indian Bhakti devotionalism have relied upon the nirgun–sagun model (devotion to a form of deity–devotion to a formless God, respectively) to understand the theological and ideological differences between the sants and vaishnavas. More recently, some scholars have begun to question the idea of the existence of an impermeable divide between the two groups of Bhakti devotees (Bahuguna, 2009).
- 5.
These stories are about dissenting lower-caste characters glorified as Dalit heroes who fought against upper-caste oppression and injustice (Narayan, 2008).
- 6.
The female sadhus (sadhvis) may be ‘rebels’ in their transgression of social norms and ideals, but they are not revolutionaries. Their use of sant Bhakti paradigms thereby enables them to construct themselves as traditional and their asceticism as a gendered alternative to orthodox renunciation that coexists with dominant renouncer ideologies and practices. The sadhvis’ lives, then, approximate those of the medieval female mystics. Their gendered strategies illustrate what anthropologist Judith Okely characterizes as the ‘cracks of resistance’ to normative traditions and institutions that enable the sadhvis to exert agency in the male-dominated tradition of sanyas (DeNapoli, 2010; Khandelwal, 2004; Khandelwal, Hausner, & Gold, 2006).
- 7.
The Arya Samaj found itself increasingly drawn into political action in defence of the Hindu community through its purification campaigns, anti-Muslim protests, and organizational developments such as the Arya Vir Dal, which placed the Samaj along the lines of the Hindu Mahasabha and the Indian National Congress (Jones, 1989).
- 8.
See Bowman (2004) for a discussion on pure and impure altruism.
- 9.
Walliss (2007) says that in the context of the Brahmakumaris, the assimilative stance can also be ambivalent as there are simultaneous aspects of transcendence-instrumentalism in processes through history. This dissonance is further intensified through the metaphor of consciousness. There is, according to Walliss (2007), an institutional use of spatialization that involves distinction between levels of consciousness: the realist distinction which proposes soul consciousness as true and body consciousness as false, and the two-world proposition wherein soul consciousness is true but it cannot be adequately explained in body consciousness terms. In tangible terms, this bifurcation and ambivalence have manifested in terms of shifts in world rejecting spiritual propositions to ethics of peace and nonviolence.
- 10.
Paranjape (2009) has used terms such as ‘gnosis’, ‘gnoseology’, and ‘border thinking’ to describe those knowledge systems that are on the margins of, or outside, the world colonized by Western modernity.
- 11.
Valpey (2010) has proposed this in the context of the phenomenon of the translational and publicational presence of the Bhagwad Gita—particularly, the shifts in the text’s use as some of its terms and concepts become known, appropriated by, and integrated into Western or ‘globalized’ cultural landscapes.
- 12.
Bradley’s (2011) discussions are based on a comparison and contrast of the religious discourses of three transnational movements—Ramakrishna Mission, Sadhu Vaswani Mission, and Mata Amritanandamayi Mission. Findings reveal how broad, open-ended religious concepts such as love and compassion are projected through and conflated with notions of women as mothers. Differences in the visions each guru projects can be seen in the ways dharma is understood and talked about by them, which in turn determines their respective views on the role and responsibilities of women. In each case, education is an important dimension to their work which helps them to secure the next generation of devotees, raise money for their operations, and ensure their teachings continue to impact on how Hindus see the world. The desire to create a particular kind of society is politicized, and each guru is sure they offer the right and correct path through life.
- 13.
Hatcher’s (2007) observations are based on the exploration of the affinity between one early colonial version of Vedanta and the socioeconomic activities of its bourgeois promoters. Working from a rare set of Bengali discourses delivered at meetings of the Tattvabodhini Sabha during its inaugural year (1839–1840), this essay demonstrates how a re-scripted Vedanta provided members with a worldview that legitimated both their spiritual concerns and their worldly activities.
- 14.
Hoecke (2006) has described three paradigms in Indian psychotherapy: (a) the Bhagwad Gita paradigm, which guides the individual to larger macrocosmic domains instead of exploring the edges of individuality; (b) the guru–shishya (disciple) paradigm, which focuses on authority, context, and morality instead of normality; and (c) the Abhyasa paradigm, which accentuates the interpersonal dimensions of the therapeutic relationship.
- 15.
The extreme form of impure altruism is also disengagement or defection. In the context of the Hare Krishna movement, Rochford (1989) has specified that disengagement can be at two levels: on an individual level, there are fringe members, dissidents, and apostates; on a group level exist oppositional factions, schisms, and ex-member support groups.
- 16.
Gurus are treated increasingly as a kind of governmental shortcut well suited to the present economic milieu. One instance in the Indian context is that of farmer suicides in Vidarbha, Maharashtra, in 2007 where breathing lessons by Sri Ravishankar and religious discourses by other assorted swamis were advocated (Gupta, 2009). Veerashaiva Maths in Karnataka and their involvement in welfare activities are another example of what Ikegame (2012) called sacred public–private partnership. In a neoliberal era, this filling in for the state by guru-led organization is perceived as non-threatening—the renouncer’s lack of kin creating an impression of incorruptibility.
- 17.
The rich and ever-growing literature on volunteers crosses disciplinary boundaries, and there are complex and diverse models pertaining to why volunteers do what they do and how that relates to their performance (Grube & Piliavin, 2000). Today, volunteering is viewed as particularly critical (Govekar & Govekar, 2002). In the past 15 years, studies specific to volunteerism in FBOs have begun to appear.
- 18.
Ikegame (2012) further says that ‘insofar as a logic associated with one domain (Bhakti) is transferred to another (governmental), with the production of potentially unanticipated results (e.g. life changing as well as lifesaving blood transfusions), we are provided here with a further striking example of the domaining effects of the guru’.
- 19.
So, for instance, the leprosy medicine prescribed by Aghor ascetics (Aghoris of Kasi) is prashad (like a divine gift), brimming with the guru’s blessings (Barrett, 2008, pp. 94, 122); Sathya Sai Baba’s biomedical hospitals rest on a spiritual vision, and services are offered on the understanding that the day will surely come when the hospital will be superfluous since all will be healthy accepting the way of sadhana (Srinivas, 2008, p. 125); and certain Nirankari devotees donate their blood with the emphasis being as much on spiritually transforming ‘transfusion recipients’ as on saving them (Copeman, 2009, p. 78, ch. 4).
- 20.
- 21.
Wagner (2008) discussed how the concept of political capital rather than social capital is an appropriate metaphor to understand religious movements in the civil society. The attempt is to reframe the civic engagement debate by redirecting thinking about the ways in which religion may (or may not) strengthen citizens’ involvement in society. The connections have been drawn to the works of Hannah Arendt’s ‘The Human Condition’ (1958) and Habermasian thought. Arendt introduced the important distinction between ‘social’ and ‘political’, which is at the core of the argument. Arendt discussed that the secular legitimization of a deliberative democracy rests on two components: the equal political participation of all citizens in a political community and the epistemic conditions for a democratic deliberation to produce rationally acceptable outcomes. Only based on this distinction can the role of religion and its relationship to civil society be properly understood. Habermas has formulated three epistemic rules for the use of religious arguments in the public sphere. First, members of religious communities must self-reflectively process the cognitive dissonances that result from the existence of other religious doctrines (respectively, the existence of other denominations of their belief) within a pluralistic society hitherto dominated by their own claims to truth. Second, communities of faith have to let their members reconcile religious doctrines with scientific knowledge about the state and origin of the world in a way that is not in conflict with their faith. Third, as citizens of a democratic polity, members of religious communities have to connect the egalitarian universalism and secular morality of the constitutional state with the premises of their own comprehensive doctrines.
- 22.
The study also adapts Schrader-Frechette and McCoy’s (1993) proposition of providing neo-Hegelian phenomenological and hermeneutic arguments in defending the method of case study—of aiding investigation into differential consciousness through identifiable phenomena. Furthermore, there is also the Wittgenstein-Kuhnian justification for case study design where praxis reveals meanings.
- 23.
They can be further classified into terms of whether undertaking social initiatives and type of initiative—developmental and right-based work, conscientization work, spirituality and self-enhancing work, and philanthropy and charity—food services and food relief and education and health. This could be either in the affirmative or only at the ideational level primarily translating the faith mission or no specified social perspectives or initiatives.
- 24.
The era of origin signifies medieval (1600–1850), early modern (1850–1900), modern (1901–1947/1950), late modern (1950–1980), and contemporary (1981 to present) movements. The medieval movements signify a Bhakti stronghold; early modern and modern movements signify colonial influences and socioreligious reform era, particularly syncretic cultures and little traditions; and the late modern and contemporary movements signify post-colonial assertions and postmodern developments.
- 25.
Through my initial survey and search before beginning the study, I found 19 organizations that qualified within the sampling universe. I selected nine HIFMs to cover all time periods of genesis, geographical spread, and involvements in social service projects covering the range of health, education, livelihood, and rural development initiatives, which are also the core sectors of interventions by voluntary organizations in contemporary India.
- 26.
PBIV essentially operates on non-dualist and monist philosophical contentions—what emerges is a Saiva monistic trend with the concept of Bap Dada (the Incorporeal God Siva) and Brahma Baba (the corporeal form). Walliss (2007) proposed that PBIV is more a theodicy—a comprehensive meaning system (indicating a vindication of divine providence in view of the existence of evil—than pure theology. In terms of linkages to traditional tenets, the base is inevitably Hindu; that is, there are references to the Bhagwad Gita, Siva, Kalpa, and the practice of yoga (PBIV, 2003, 2004, 2008). Modifications form the crux of PBIV: (a) there are interpretations in ontology and epistemology through the Raja Yoga propositions and metaphysical soul discourses; (b) in cosmology and historicity through the world tree (Kalpavriksha) concept and the world cycle; and (c) an eventual instrumentalism or instrumental knowledge for contemporary living and ‘New Age-ification’ in praxis (Pandya, 2013b).
- 27.
In terms of his birth and parentage, it is said that Sai Baba was born in 1838 in a village named Pathri (Kher, 2001; Satpathy, 2001) in a Yajurvedi Deshastha Brahmin family bearing the surname Bhusari and was named as Hari (Kher, 2001). Two subsequent interpretations exist—one saying that he was placed under the tutelage of a spiritual guru called Venkusha during the period 1842–1854 (Satpathy, 2001) and the other that he left home at the age of eight in search of the supreme owing to his natural spiritual leanings and submitted himself under the tutelage of a Sufi saint (Kher, 2001). It is also said that he was first seen in Shirdi in 1854 under a neem tree in meditation and later left the place in 1857 (Satpathy, 2001). Pertaining to his spiritual training and Sufi origins and leanings, Warren’s (2004) study locates Sai Baba’s birthplace Pathri in a sociogeographical context of the Nizam rule. The source of Sai Baba’s Sufi origins for this study has been the notebook of a devotee Abdul, the son of Sultan of Nanded, who lived with Sai Baba in Shirdi for a period of 29 years and then till 1954, tending to Sai Baba’s Dargah. This notebook called the Sai Baba Manuscript is a rare manuscript of Abdul’s notes and jottings of the words and teachings he received from Sai Baba in Urdu.
- 28.
Key informants included both members of the order or monastics and office bearers. In Ramakrishna Mission, the monastics in ochre robes are also key office bearers. In the Swaminarayan Sanstha, the sadhus as ascetics and parshads as ascetics in training are the key personnel as well as householder followers who are office bearers. The Sai Baba Sansthan has office bearers appointed by the Maharashtra state government. Brahmakumaris have a trained cadre of committed men and women who have taken to the prescribed lifestyle and are called Brahmakumars (men) and Brahmakumaris (women). In the Chinmaya Mission, there are men and women monastics known as Swamis and Swaminis. Those still in training and who have not completed their perpetual vows but are monasts are called Brahmacharis and Brahmacharinis. Apart from that, there are also office bearers who voluntarily work for the mission and devote resources and time to its activities. Sri Aurobindo Society has sadhaks (men and women) at the helm of affairs who have committed their lives to the Sri Aurobindo Ashram and its multifarious activities. The Vivekananda Kendra has karyakartas—who are lay persons and not ascetics, which is also the peculiarity of the Kendra. Mata Amritanandamayi Mission has a trained cadre of monastic members committed to Amma and the Mission. Apart from that, there are also householder disciples as office bearers. Art of Living has a small coterie of monastic representatives and a large cadre of lay persons who have undergone vigorous training of the courses and teacher training modules to become qualified teachers of the Sudarshan Kriya technique. Hence, HIFMs’ key personnel organization is a combination of order ministration of evangelical nature, loyal followers/disciples who assume responsibilities, and lay persons who are actively engaged in official capacities in pursuing the objectives of HIFMs.
- 29.
In the case of Swaminarayan Sanstha or BAPS, I spoke to office bearers in the women’s wing. To the male sadhus, I wrote my questions and they answered in writing. Sadhus of BAPS are under perpetual vows of not looking at women and money. Thus, I maintained contact with them through the written word, and to validate responses, I used e-mail communication. With all the other key informants comprising of members of the order and the office bearers, I had face-to-face discussions and went back to them for revalidating the transcripts.
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Pandya, S.P. (2019). Introduction: Gurus, Sociality, Hegemony, and Social Transformation. In: Faith Movements and Social Transformation. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-2823-7_1
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