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Rescaling Space and Resistance

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Contemporary Bali
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Abstract

This chapter is devoted as a comparative chapter of the three case studies. In doing so, I examine a common feature shared across the cases, which is the development of new modes of spatial governance aimed at expanding tourism development. The second feature is the use of law and institution as a resource in social conflicts in contemporary Bali. The third feature is the character of power struggles that pose diverse meanings of space and place against narrow commercialisation and private interest. In some cases, resistance takes the form of an open struggle challenging vested political and economic interests, but in other instances, opposition is revealed in ‘everyday forms of resistance’ when open struggle is considered culturally inappropriate and may disrupt local social cohesion.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Soft law, here, refers to a range of legal and non-legal instruments that provide a large degree of flexibility and discretion in undertaking obligations (Gruchalla-Wesierski 1984).

  2. 2.

    Unlike other international environmental conventions in which decisions are made based on consensus of all their state parties, decisions under the World Heritage Convention are made by the 22 countries elected to the World Heritage Committee representing its 192 state parties. For further discussion on these matters, see Goodwin (2008).

  3. 3.

    Benoa Bay, as a coastal and water area, is regulated under Law No 27/2007 on Coastal Area and Small Island Management. Article 7 mandates the regional government in designating coastal and small island areas for strategic planning, zoning, management, and utilisation of the areas. However, this does not cover all water areas of Benoa Bay, since there have been pre-existing rights granted to several institutions either public or private over some part of this zone (see Chap. 6).

  4. 4.

    Interview with Ketut Wiana, the chair of the Executive Committee of PHDI Pusat, 5 September 2014.

  5. 5.

    The political affiliations were divided into three major political parties in Bali, which were the Indonesian Nationalist Party (PNI), the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI), and the Indonesian Socialist Party (PSI). For further discussion, see Robinson (1995).

  6. 6.

    Interview with Luh Kartini, the director of the Bali Organic Association, on 10 August 2014; personal communication with Catur Haryani, the director of the Environmental Education Centre (Pusat Pendidikan Lingkungan Hidup/PPLH) Bali and member of ForBali, on 11 July 2014.

  7. 7.

    The conflict was concerning boundaries between Desa Pakraman Budaga and Desa Pakraman Kemoning in Klungkung District, leaving one villager dead. Responding to the conflict, Mangku Pastika was interviewed by journalists and commented emotionally that both adat villages would be terminated if they could not stop the conflict. The day after that, the Bali Post put out a headline stating that Pastika seeks to terminate the adat village, which might be interpreted to apply for all adat villages in Bali.

  8. 8.

    Case Number 723/Pdt.G/2011/PN.Dps.

  9. 9.

    The most notorious in this media group has been the Pos Bali, whose editor-in-chief happened to be Made Nariana, a former journalist for the Bali Post.

  10. 10.

    Interview with Tjokorda Oka Artha Ardhana Sukawati (Tjok Ace) on 24 January 2014.

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Wardana, A. (2019). Rescaling Space and Resistance. In: Contemporary Bali. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-2478-9_7

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-2478-9_7

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