Abstract
Are American cities driving a “metropolitan revolution” that will reinvent the US political economy or are they succumbing to the final assault of neoliberalism in a race to the bottom where labor rights are increasingly infringed upon, public goods are commoditized, and direct democracy becomes an elusive quest? Drawing from urban sociology and political economy, the purpose of this chapter is to develop a theoretical and empirical framework for understanding the contained rise of progressive cities in the United States. To do so, it focuses on the proliferation of “living wage” ordinances and “sweatfree” procurement rules adopted by city governments over the past two decades, and their significance for broader debates on the dynamics of American political economy in the globalized era. The chapter proceeds in four parts. The first part discusses the notion of social change within the literature on urban transformations. The second section examines the nature of local ordinances: what they include (wages, benefits) and what categories of workers they apply to and exclude. The third part analyzes the driving forces behind local labor reforms and the conditions under which they developed, with particular attention to political mobilization inside and outside the electoral system. It also highlights the crucial function played by civil society groups in generating soft law and changing the terms of labor debates. The fourth and final part discusses the sustainability and broader political perspectives of this microlevel phenomenon. It examines the potentialities of using government procurement as leverage for a bottom-up movement and the prospects of a race-to-the-top scenario challenging the race-to-the-bottom commonly associated with globalization. It also considers the risks that local ordinances carry and the obstacles to their proliferation.
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Notes
- 1.
Article 10 of the US Bill of Rights, pp. 1621–1653.
- 2.
For a critical review, see Purcell (2002) .
- 3.
David Harvey traces this process back to Baron Georges-Eugene Hausmann’s dramatic restructuring of the city of Paris, while Andrew Diamond hunts down the ideological origins of neoliberalism in the political machines of early twentieth-century Chicago (Diamond, forthcoming).
- 4.
Peck and his colleagues cautiously underline the disjunctures between the theory of neoliberalism and its practice.
- 5.
Harvey is cognizant of the long history of urban-based class struggles and their achievements in the West, East, or South. Yet, despite his criticism of the left’s “fetishism of organizational form,” his discussions of past and future class struggles more frequently focus on the dynamics of these epic battles than on their substantive outcomes (Harvey 2012: 115–116, 125).
- 6.
- 7.
To remedy this problem, MIT researcher Amy Glasmeier has compiled a living wage calculator that accounts for geographic disparities in minimum income required for basic expenditures. See http://livingwage.mit.edu.
- 8.
Interview with Brenner, see http://www.peri.umass.edu/339/.
- 9.
Author’s calculation based on NELP’s 2011 data.
- 10.
Bose (2008) criticizes the intrinsic limitations of the “sweatshop” concept, a social construction stemming from a homogeneous representation of “Third World” afflicted by corruption, violence, and human rights violation.
- 11.
United Students Against Sweatshops.
- 12.
In effect, living wage campaigns are more likely to rely on a national network of formal organizations (e.g., ACORN, labor unions), whereas centralization was always more limited in the case of the anti-sweatshop movement.
- 13.
- 14.
Focusing on the London case, the chapter by Corinne Nativel sheds further light on the challenges and opportunities of living wage reforms to promote a progressive agenda.
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Velut, JB. (2019). The Promises and Perils of US Local Labor Ordinances. In: Douglass, M., Garbaye, R., Ho, K. (eds) The Rise of Progressive Cities East and West. ARI - Springer Asia Series, vol 6. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-0209-1_9
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