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The Idea of ‘Belonging’ and Citizenship Among Refugees: Some Theoretical Considerations

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Refugees, Citizenship and Belonging in South Asia
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Abstract

The chapter interrogates the consequences of nation-building projects of Sri Lanka and Bangladesh, especially how state constructed boundaries of belonging and citizenship. Theoretically, the chapter illustrates the claims of asylum states that exclude the rights of non-nationals, especially refugees, and the politics of marginalization within refugees’ countries of origin create the conditions for refugee flow that are later replicated in their countries of asylum. The chapter asserts that the lack of recognition of the asylum state goes a long way towards marginalizing non-citizens on the basis of the politics of belonging, rooted in notions of membership in the nation-state.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    In this chapter, I make a distinction between formal recognition as discussed in the literature on citizenship and claims of status made by non-citizens, i.e., refugee groups. Drawing largely from the literature on citizenship, I assert that the refugee claim to status is legitimate despite the predominance of a rights-based approach in the citizenship literature.

  2. 2.

    Marshall discusses progressive rights in civil, economic and political spheres in capitalist societies.

  3. 3.

    Shklar refers to individual’s standing in society.

  4. 4.

    I am grateful to Linda Bosniak for proposing the problem of alienage. In this book I argue that state-centric views on citizenship rights determined issues of belonging.

  5. 5.

    Zolberg (2000), Rubenstein and Adler (2000) in response to Bosniak’s Citizenship Denationalized, assert that there is a need to go beyond the notion of the state-dominated discourse on citizenship rights. The predominant position of state is challenged as a result of the movement of people across borders. Rubenstein and Adler (2000, 529) challenge the ‘singular notion of citizenship or a single legal status linking directly to the state’ and are a little cautious towards complete denationalized citizenship; instead they discuss trends away from a state-centred notion, in order to consider the impact of citizenship on the legal status of nationality.

  6. 6.

    Bosniak (2000a, b) asserts that the globalized literature tends to view claims of ‘moving people’ as postnational, or ‘transnational’ rather than denationalized. She tends to view these claims as the denationalized rights of people. But Sassen differentiates between denationalized and post-national. According to Sassen, the foci of denationalized is “national-state,” whereas post-national is beyond “national-state.” But Sassen tends to differentiate between the denationalized too as conceptualized by Bosniak and as one put forward by her.

  7. 7.

    Debate around this conflict has two dominant approaches: ‘radical universalist’ which talks for open border and civic republican perspective of ‘thick conception of citizenship’.

  8. 8.

    By homeland, I mean an extension of refugees’ idea of ‘home’. Returnee-refugees do not hold similar views of homeland as that of rebel groups; rather, they view homeland as a safe place to be, within the country of origin.

  9. 9.

    Based on data collected on Tamils and Chakma/Pahari refugee-returnees in Vavuniya, Mannar in Sri Lanka, and Khagracharri in Bangladesh, I assert the refugees’ decision to belong to ‘home’ is acute in the absence of status in asylum. But the idea of ‘home’ to refugees is dissimilar to insurgent views on homeland, such as Tamil Eelam or Jummaland; rather, it means the possibility to resume ‘day-to-day activities’.

  10. 10.

    As stated in an interview in Chennai (India) July 2002, a higher official dealing with refugees stated, ‘we don’t understand the philosophy behind meanings of home etc., as long as refugees repatriate to country of origin we are alright with their decisions’.

  11. 11.

    The same official in Chennai stated in an interview in July 2002, ‘these people need to go back to their “home”’. In this instance, ‘home’ was meant in the general sense of the term. Most of these officials were aware that the peace process in Sri Lanka was working well, which in the long run could facilitate the return of refugees as ‘the killing etc., has stopped’ in Sri Lanka.

  12. 12.

    Xenos discusses how refugees can be used as pawns in struggles between states, e.g., the Haitian boat people. He refers to them as ‘strategic human flows’. The basis of these flows, Xenos maintains, ‘is the development of the state in terms of national identity and the social construction of a people within specific territory, the hyphenating of state within borders’. Dillon, on the other hand, discusses ‘the scandal of the refugees’ which is a reaction to being outside of being ‘other’ and part of ‘otherness’. Dillon highlights the ‘otherness’ of the refugees as being outside the fundamental ‘ontological determination of international politics and its exclusionary pressures’. See Michael Dillon, ‘The Scandal of the Refugees: Some Reflection on the “Inter” of International Relations and Continental Thought’ (private paper, copy with author as mentioned in Warner (1999), Dillon (1995)).

  13. 13.

    Harrell-Bond (1989) and Allen and Morsink (1994) have argued that some international agencies encourage repatriation. Coles (1985, 1987, 1989, 1992a, b) challenges his reader to re-think the ‘exilic bias’ of resolving refugee problems in contemporary refugee law.

  14. 14.

    With the exception of Laura Hammond and Barbara Harell-Bond.

  15. 15.

    See UN Doc. A/Res/38/121 (1983).

  16. 16.

    UNHCR 1983 at 231.

  17. 17.

    UN Doc. A/AC.96/815 (1993).

  18. 18.

    According to the cessation clause, refugee status can be withdrawn when ‘situations have improved in the country of origin’ and every other factor contributing to refugee’s status ceases to exist. An interesting notion as in most situations, the timing of the withdrawal of status is crucial as it is meant to act as a deterrent and refugees are encouraged to return with slight improvement in country of origin.

  19. 19.

    The cessation clause can be divided into two broad sets: the first set comprises four clauses that relate to a change in personal circumstances of the refugee, brought about by the refugee’s own act, and which results in the acquisition of national protection so that international protection is no longer necessary. The second set comprises clauses that relate to the change in the objective circumstances in connection with which the refugee has been recognized, so that international protection is no longer justified (the ceased circumstances’ cessation clause).

  20. 20.

    This was the case during the repatriation of Sri Lankan Tamil refugees in 1990–92 when the UNHCR was accused of working against the interest of refugees. Some local NGOs in Tamil Nadu (India) questioned the role of the UNHCR in ascertaining whether the refugees had voluntarily consented to go back. Most of the refugees were shown a video showing positive changes in Sri Lanka that encouraged refugees to consent; in reality, the returned refugees failed to notice any distinctive change in circumstances, as asserted by refugee groups residing in open relief camps in Pessalai, located north of Sri Lanka.

  21. 21.

    Note that the following definition of ‘facilitating’ voluntary repatriation is categorically different from that used in the past when it characterized the UNHCR’s role as regards voluntary repatriation at large (a time, moreover when the major repatriation took place after clear-cut changes in the country of origin and the required assistance was of technical and financial nature).

  22. 22.

    UNHCR Document ‘Protection Guidelines on Voluntary Repatriation’ (1993). (emphasis original) Note: facilitated repatriation can take place on the basis of either bilateral or tripartite agreements. Thus there is a slight difference between facilitating and promoting repatriation. The difference is more in the nature of assistance and whether the UNHCR has been instrumental in providing that exact nature of assistance. A case in point may be the Guatemalan refugees in Mexico.

  23. 23.

    UNHCR Handbook. Voluntary Repatriation: International Protection (1996) (emphasis original). The UNHCR seems to confine its role in situations in which it considers repatriation premature to providing guidance and making its position known.

  24. 24.

    Although there is no clear reference as to why the state has been given the responsibility and what the nature of the state is, it might be used in the context of liability and accountability for wrongful acts and their consequences, and it may be construed as such.

  25. 25.

    Similarly, UNHCR Doc. 1993 (where these activities are discussed separately under the heading of ‘encouraging’ voluntary repatriation: a heading that serves to underline that encouragement of the solutions only takes place after its promotions have yielded the desired conditions ‘conducive to return’. The Handbook retains a similar emphasis by distinguishing between the promotions of solutions on the one hand and the promotion of voluntary repatriation on the other).

  26. 26.

    In addition, the perception of the UNHCR speaking ‘on behalf of the international community as a whole, representing a universal, non-political, humanitarian concern for refugees’ could be adduced (Statement of the High Commissioner to the Third Committee of the General Assembly 1992; text printed in; 4 IJRL 1992 at 541). Recognition of this perception was formulated as a prerequisite for the UNHCR’s effectively extending international protection to refugees. An alternative characterization of the UNHCR: ‘the High Commissioner is the embodiment of international refugee humanitarianism and the father of the world’s refugee’.

  27. 27.

    ‘As a result of events occurring before January 1, 1951, and owing to well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, outside the country of his nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is willing to avail himself of the protection of that country; or who, not having a nationality and being outside the country of his former habitual residence as a result of such events, is unable or; owing to such fear, is unwilling to return to it’ (emphasis added).

  28. 28.

    The 1967 Protocol relating to the Status of Refugees removed the ‘temporal and geographical limitations’ contained in the 1951 Convention. The Protocol was intended to broaden the basis of ‘refugee-hood’ criteria.

  29. 29.

    See Article V of the 1969 OAU Convention Governing the Specific Problems of Refugees in Africa; see also CM/Res. 399 (XXIV) Resolution on Voluntary Repatriation of African Refugees of the OAU Council of Ministers, Addis-Ababa, 1975.

  30. 30.

    Art. V (4).

  31. 31.

    I follow Malkki’s (1995b) understanding on the difference between camp refugees and non-camp refugees.

  32. 32.

    Though there were various Tamil groups involved with the government in Sri Lanka, the Liberation of Tamil Tigers Eelam emerged as one of many ‘effective’ mouth pieces of the Tamil cause.

  33. 33.

    Parbattya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samiti (PCJSS) is a political organization of the 11 multilingual indigenous Pahari people of Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT), in the southeastern part of Bangladesh. The organization, which was founded on 15 February 1972, espoused principles of nationalism, democracy, secularism, equality and social justice for the people of CHT.

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Chowdhory, N. (2018). The Idea of ‘Belonging’ and Citizenship Among Refugees: Some Theoretical Considerations. In: Refugees, Citizenship and Belonging in South Asia. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-0197-1_2

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