Abstract
This chapter explains the role and contribution of intellectuals in the implementation of the good governance agenda in East Java and Surabaya, especially in the development programs during post-election of the post-Suharto era. During that period, the intellectuals present legitimacy towards the program implementation by giving a sort of scientific claims and impartial knowledge on the implementation of a good governance-based development program. In reality, however, the knowledge-based argument of good governance reinforces the dominant power’s social position of local politics-businesses alliances that utilise public resources to maintain their economic power and interests, rather than encouraging the realisation of a clean and transparent-sound government.
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Notes
- 1.
The historical context of Indonesia’s intellectuals during the New Order era (1970s up to 1990s) demonstrates the importance of NGOs as bases for intellectuals who organise civil society and criticise the government. The origin of Indonesia’s modern NGOs in the New Order era can be traced back to the early 1970s, when many intellectuals and former student activists who had been politically aligned with the military in 1965–66 tried to promote the ideology of modernisation outside the New Order political system. The reason intellectuals and former student activists were creating NGOs was because other spaces for political participation in the Soeharto political system were so narrow. The first wave of NGOs tended to compromise with the state by also promoting the ideology of modernisation. However, since the 1970s and the failure of modernisation promises to deliver change for marginalised groups, a shift in orientation has occurred among intellectuals in NGOs based on populist agendas. This trend has positioned intellectuals based within NGOs to challenge the elitism of the modernisation tradition and has created radical critics of the authoritarian regime (Aspinall 2005: 90; Eldridge 1995: 38–39). This critical tendency among NGOs was most marked in the 1990s—during the later years of the Soeharto era, after the New Order regime implemented keterbukaan, its ‘openness’ era. The willingness of intellectuals inside NGOs to criticise the government tradition was triggered also by corruption within the state realm—by the ruling party Golkar, the military and the bureaucracy, with land grabbing by military officers and the state apparatus—and by the absence of independent political parties inside the political system. This political situation contributed to the radicalisation of intellectuals in non-government and campus organisations and study clubs, and in political organisations such as PRD (People’s Democratic Party), which evolved into a critical culture of discourse towards the state in the New Order era. This situation contributed to the rise of NGOs as part of an alternative tradition among Indonesia intellectuals; one which tried to articulate marginalised people’s interests (Eldridge 1995; Dhakidae 2003: 509).
- 2.
The Regional Research Council (DRD) is appointed by the East Java governor, to whom it is responsible. This decision was made based on the East Java Governor Decree number 188/327/KPTS/013/2010 regarding appointment of the DRD in East Java for the period 2010–14.
- 3.
Other governors in Indonesia have adopted a similar strategy. In Banten Province under the leadership of Governor Atut Chosiyah, the DRD allegedly became a public institution to accommodate political consultants who supported Chosiyah in the 2011 Banten local elections in official positions. ‘Dewan Riset Banten jadi Wadah Menampung Kroni Atut’ (Banten Research Council became an Institution to Accommodate Atut’s Crony) SuaraPembaruan.Com, 2 October 2013.
- 4.
Tjuk Sukiadi is senior lecturer in Economics at the Faculty of Economics and Business, University of Airlangga. Ali Akbar Azhar is the author of Konspirasi SBY-Bakrie, a book which reports on the predatory oligarchy collaborations in the Lapindo mudflow case. Soeharto is a retired marine general who became involved in the fight to defend the Lapindo mudflow victims. Both Sukiadi and Azhar are among the activists who supported the efforts of Lapindo mudflow victims, including participating in the victims’ group which claimed that Lapindo Brantas Corporation was guilty of causing the Lapindo mudflow disaster through its resource exploration near the mudflow site.
- 5.
See Program Jalan Lain Menuju Kesejahteraan Rakyat (Towards People Prosperity Program 2011) Bapemas.Jatimprov.go.id.
- 6.
See ‘Kadin Jatim imbau Kadin daerah pro-aktif Aplikasikan SK Gubernur’ (East Java Chambers of Commerce and Industry suggest its branch to implement East Java governor decision) Kabarbisnis.com, February 8, 2010.
- 7.
Interview with an East Java journalist BI, Jakarta, October 15, 2014.
- 8.
Personal communication with East Java entrepreneur TX, February 19, 2015, suggests that, due to MON, a prominent East Java entrepreneur, who has close relationship with the East Java governor, he co-ordinated the developers who focused on government infrastructural projects through the Indonesian Asphalt Concrete Association (AABI—Asosiasi Aspal Beton Indonesia). Because of their experience, most of the region’s infrastructural projects were conducted by 53 developers who became members of this association. Many of them had social backgrounds as members of prominent gangster/paramilitary organisation that has existed since the Soeharto era.
- 9.
Interview in Jakarta, October 15, 2014.
- 10.
See ‘LSM Pertanyakan Pemberian Dana Hibah Untuk Kadin Jatim’ (NGO Asked the Social Assistance grant towards East Java Chambers of Commerce and Industry). Suara Surabaya, September 16, 2014.
- 11.
The project profile of Puspa Agro, cited from Puspa Agro (2015).
- 12.
See Skandal Pembangunan Puspa Agro oleh BUMD (Badan Usaha Milik Daerah) PT Jatim Graha Utama (PT JGU) (The Scandal of Puspa Agro Market by Jatim Graha Utama Local State Owned Enterprise). Skandal Pembangunan Puspa Agro oleh BUMD (Badan Usaha Milik Daerah) PT Jatim Graha Utama (PT JGU). Surabaya Pagi August 12, 2012.
- 13.
See Skandal Pembangunan Puspa Agro oleh BUMD (Badan Usaha Milik Daerah) PT Jatim Graha Utama (PT JGU) (The Scandal of Puspa Agro Market by Jatim Graha Utama Local State Owned Enterprise) Surabaya Pagi, August 12, 2012.
- 14.
As stated by BI (interview in Jakarta, October 15, 2014), the dominant politio-business alliances transferred around Rp. 50 million (AUD 5000) per person to tackle the issues of corruption in the Puspa Agro case.
- 15.
As the head of the East Java Regional Research Council (based on East Java Governor’s Decision number 188/327/KPTS/013/2010 on the appointment of Regional Research Council members), Professor Hotman Siahaan and his institution has an obligation to assess local development projects in East Java, such as the Puspa Agro market project.
- 16.
See ‘Puspa Agro Harus Punya Perwakilan di tiap Daerah’ (Puspa Agro Should have branch in every region). Lensa Indonesia, April 17, 2013.
- 17.
SKPDs implement executive functions that must be co-ordinated in order to run the local government. The legal basis for their establishment is Article 120 of Law number 32 of 2004 on Local Government. The governor and his deputy, the regent and his deputy or the mayor and his deputy are not included in this unit, because of their status as regional heads. The local bureaucrats who are included in SKPDs are from the Regional Secretariat, the expert staff, the Parliamentary Secretariat, various agencies and bodies, the Regional Inspectorate and other local institutions that are directly responsible to the head of regions, sub-districts (or other equivalent units) and district/village chiefs (or their equivalents).
- 18.
Abdul Quddus is an NGO activist who conducted the monitoring programme through social aid (Surabaya, February 13, 2015). He also became a researcher and secretary of Lakpesdam NU Jawa Timur (the Research and Development Institution under the East Java branch of Nahdlatul Ulama , which is concerned with monitoring local development and transparency issues related to the local budget).
- 19.
Interview with the East Java NGO activist, Abdul Quddus Salam, Surabaya, February 13, 2015.
- 20.
See Peraturan Daerah Provinsi Jawa Timur tentang Anggaran Pendapatan dan Belanja provinsi Jawa Timur 2011–13 (East Java Local Regulation on Regional Budget 2011–2013).
- 21.
Interview with an East Java politician based on political party ZX, April 14, 2013.
- 22.
Reports from these areas indicate some manipulation of social aid funds, such as in the case of assistance provided to a citizen who had sick and dying goats that needed to be replaced. In this case, the cost of four goats was stated by the local bureaucracy to be approximately Rp. 2.5 million; but the citizen only received 1 million rupiah in social assistance. See Surabaya Pagi, May 22, 2013; Koran Madura, 3 June 2013; Kabar Sidoarjo.com, May 15, 2013. This suggest social aid manipulation by the local bureaucracy for their own financial gain.
- 23.
Interview with Professor Hotman Siahaan, Political and Social Science Faculty, Airlangga University; also head of East Java Local Research Council, April 19, 2013.
- 24.
See Fitra Jatim Minta Kaum Muda Waspadai Dana Bansos Jelang Pilkada (Fitra East Java branch Warns Young Activists to Beware of Social Assistance Fund Distribution Before Local Election) Selasar.com, June 5, 2015.
- 25.
See JAKSTRADA IPTEK (The Policy of Regional Development Strategies in the Field of Science and Technology), East Java Province 2011–2014, Regional Research Council of East Java Province 2011.
- 26.
Interview with NZ, a lecturer from prominent East Java University March 2, 2013.
- 27.
These data were obtained from East Java Focus Group Discussions with NGO staff regarding good governance practices, Surabaya, October 24, 2013.
- 28.
These data were collected through a focus group discussion (Surabaya, October 24, 2013).
- 29.
Interview with the researcher of LAKPESDAM NU (the research institution which focused on the monitoring and evaluation of local governance processes), Abdul Quddus Salam (Surabaya, February 13, 2015).
- 30.
Interview with TB, institute staff, Surabaya, April 16, 2015.
- 31.
Interview with TB, April 16, 2015.
- 32.
Interview with an East Java legislative member UI, Surabaya, April 14, 2015.
- 33.
Interview with KI, a lecturer from prominent East Java university, who joined this programme on April 25, 2015.
- 34.
Interview with UI the elite of Islamic political parties in East Java and the East Java legislative members, Surabaya, April 14, 2015.
- 35.
Interview with Dr. TB at Surabaya, April 16, 2015.
- 36.
Interview with former East Java head of Society Empowerment Agency, Totok Suwarto, by Tempo newspaper (May 25, 2009).
- 37.
Suara Surabaya (November 8, 2010) ‘Korupsi dana P2SEM, Dosen UNEJ Jember Nuryadi Dituntut 1,5 Tahun’ (University of Jember Lecturer be Sentenced for 1.5 years due to the P2SEM Fund Corruption).
- 38.
Jatim.Vivanews.Com (February 23, 2010) ‘Mantan Ketua Fraksi Golkar Tersangka P2SEM: Diduga Korupsi Sekitar Rp 1,2 M’ (Ex-head of Golkar Legislative Fraction become a Suspect in P2SEM Corruption Affair).
- 39.
The public institution under East Java Provincial Government co-ordination which is responsible for allocating social funds for society as a whole.
- 40.
This was stated by Fathorrasjid during an interview in Medaeng Penitentiary in Surabaya, August 15, 2013. The same allegation was also made by Abdul Manab, the Director of Jatim One, the NGO concerned with political and law enforcement issues in East Java (Jaringnews, January 2, 2014).
- 41.
Kampus Jadi Tumbal P2SEM, Basofi Soedirman (The academics became scapegoat of P2SEM corruption case) Surya, March 3, 2010.
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Kusman, A.P. (2019). Intellectuals in the Rebuilding of Political Power in Post-authoritarian Indonesia. In: The Vortex of Power. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-0155-1_6
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