Abstract
A change in Syria’s political opportunity structure allowed a social movement to form inside the country in 2011. Though the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood (SMB) was not part of the social movement, the Syrian uprising presented the SMB with an opportunity to return to the Syrian political arena. However, in contrast to the social movement, the SMB survived the metamorphosis of the Syrian uprising from a peaceful protest movement, to an insurgency, and a civil war. This chapter shows that although the SMB was not part of the social movement, it utilised some of the strategies employed by social movements to remain relevant throughout the changing landscape of the uprising.
Keywords
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- 1.
In an interview, an executive member of the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood (SMB) used this quote to show that the al-Assad family inadvertently enhanced the SMB’s public profile by blaming all Syria’s calamities on the Brotherhood.
- 2.
Law no. 49 of 1980 made membership and association with the SMB a capital offence.
- 3.
Sidney Tarrow, Strangers at the Gates: Movements and States in Contentious Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 92.
- 4.
Reinoud Leenders and Steven Heydemann, “Popular Mobilization in Syria: Opportunity and Threat, and the Social Networks of the Early Risers,” Mediterranean Politics 17, no. 2 (2012).
- 5.
Jasmine Gani, “Contentious Politics and the Syrian Crisis: Internationalization and Militarisation of the Conflict,” in Contentious Politics in the Middle East: Popular Resistance and Marginalized Activism Beyond the Arab Uprisings, ed. Fawaz A. Gerges (New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015).
- 6.
Umar F. Abdallah, The Islamic Struggle in Syria (Berkeley: Mizan Press, 1983); Raphaël Lefèvre, Ashes of Hama: The Perilous History of Syria’s Muslim Brotherhood (London: HURST C & Company Publishers Limited, 2013), 81–129; Nikolaos Van Dam, The Struggle for Power in Syria: Politics and Society under Asad and the Ba`Th Party (London: I. B. Tauris, 1996), 89–117; Thomas Mayer, “The Islamic Opposition in Syria: 1961–1982,” Orient 24 (1983); Brynjar Lia, “The Islamist Uprising in Syria, 1976–82: The History and Legacy of a Failed Revolt,” British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies (2016); Raphaël Lefèvre, “The Muslim Brotherhood in Syria: A ‘Centrist’ Jihad?,” Turkish Review 4, no. 2 (March/April 2014).
- 7.
Charles Tilly and Sidney Tarrow, Contentious Politics (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), 236.
- 8.
For a discussion of the moderate-radical dichotomy, see Jillian Schwedler, “Can Islamists Become Moderates? Rethinking the Inclusion-Moderation Hypothesis,” World Politics 63, no. 2 (2011): 350.
- 9.
Centrist or wasatiyya Islam represents a moderate world view, as professed by Yusuf al-Qaradawi. See Bettina Gräf, “The Concept of Wasatiyya in the Work of Yusuf Al-Qaradawi,” in Global Mufti: The Phenomenon of Yusuf Al-Qaradawi, ed. Bettina Gräf and Jakob Skovgaard-Petersen (New York: Columbia University Press, 2009), 213–228.
- 10.
Interview conducted with an executive member of the SMB in January 2015.
- 11.
Abdallah, The Islamic Struggle in Syria, 95.
- 12.
See the SMB’s National Charter in ibid., 174.
- 13.
Ibid.
- 14.
Mustafa Al-Siba`i, “Islam as the State Religion a Muslim Brotherhood View in Syria,” The Muslim World 44, no. 3–4 (1954): 40; Alison Pargeter, “From Diplomacy to Arms and Back to Diplomacy: The Evolution of the Syrian Ikhwan,” in The Muslim Brotherhood from Opposition to Power, ed. A. Pargeter (London: Saqi Books, 2010), 64.
- 15.
Mustafa Al-Siba`i, Al-Ahzab Al-Siyasiyah Fi Suriya (Damascus: Manshūrāt Dār al-Rūwād, 1954), 11.
- 16.
Thomas Pierret, Religion and State in Syria: The Sunni Ulama from Coup to Revolution (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 170.
- 17.
Johannes Reissner, Ideologie Und Politik Der Muslimbrüder Syriens: Von Den Wahlen 1947 Bis Zum Verbot Unter Adib Ash-Shishakli (Freiburg im Breisgau: Klaus Schwarz, 1980), 132; Joshua Teitelbaum, “The Muslim Brotherhood in Syria, 1945–1958: Founding, Social Origins, Ideology,” The Middle East Journal 65, no. 2 (2011): 215.
- 18.
Hanna Batatu, “Syria’s Muslim Brethren,” Merip Reports, no. 110 (1982): 1; Raymond Hinnebusch, Authoritarian Power and State Formation in Baathist Syria (Boulder: Westview Press, 1990), 280.
- 19.
Hinnebusch, Authoritarian Power and State Formation in Baathist Syria, 55; Joshua Teitelbaum, “The Muslim Brotherhood and the “Struggle for Syria,” 1947–1958 Between Accommodation and Ideology,” Middle Eastern Studies 40, no. 3 (2004): 136.
- 20.
Teitelbaum, “The Muslim Brotherhood in Syria, 1945–1958: Founding, Social Origins, Ideology,” 220.
- 21.
Syria’s minorities as a percentage of the total population in 1945 were: Christian 14.1%; Alawi 11.5%; Druze 3%; and Jews/Yazidis 1.2%. The total population was just more than 2.9 million. See Philip S. Khoury, Syria and the French Mandate: The Politics of Arab Nationalism, 1920–1945, vol. 58 (Princeton: Princeton University Press 1987), 15.
- 22.
Teitelbaum, “The Muslim Brotherhood in Syria, 1945–1958: Founding, Social Origins, Ideology,” 222; Teitelbaum, “The Muslim Brotherhood and the “Struggle for Syria,” 1947–1958 Between Accommodation and Ideology,” 141.
- 23.
Syria’s early parliamentary experience was interrupted by four military coups and a union with Egypt (1958–1961), before the Ba`th party’s ultimate takeover in 1963.
- 24.
Teitelbaum, “The Muslim Brotherhood and the “Struggle for Syria,” 1947–1958 Between Accommodation and Ideology,” 137 & 141.
- 25.
Ibid., 137–138.
- 26.
Pierret, Religion and State in Syria: The Sunni Ulama from Coup to Revolution, 174.
- 27.
Ibid.
- 28.
Ibid.
- 29.
Ibid., 175.
- 30.
The SMB held ten seats in parliament in 1961. See Lefèvre, Ashes of Hama, 40.
- 31.
Tilly and Tarrow, Contentious Politics, 236, define transgressive contention as that which ‘crosses institutional boundaries into forbidden or unknown territory.’
- 32.
Pierret, Religion and State in Syria: The Sunni Ulama from Coup to Revolution, 179.
- 33.
The SMB supported some (successful) conservative candidates in governorate (regional) councils in 1972. See ibid., 184.
- 34.
Line Khatib, Islamic Revivalism in Syria: The Rise and Fall of Ba`Thist Secularism (New York: Taylor & Francis, 2011), 74–75.
- 35.
For an opinion that explains the SMB’s adoption of armed jihad as due to ideologocal change, see: Pargeter, “From Diplomacy to Arms and Back to Diplomacy: The Evolution of the Syrian Ikhwan,” 66–67; Lefèvre, Ashes of Hama, 96–98; Lia, “The Islamist Uprising in Syria, 1976–1982: The History and Legacy of a Failed Revolt,” 4; Hans Günter Lobmeyer, “Islamic Ideology and Secular Discourse: The Islamists of Syria,” Orient, no. 32 (September 1991): 398.
- 36.
Previously, the SMB adopted armed jihad in 1948, but this was part of its external policy in defence of Palestinian sovereignty.
- 37.
“Statement and Program of the Islamic Revolution in Syria/ Bayan Al-Thawrat Al-Islamiyya Fi Suriyya Wa-Minhajuha,” in The Islamic Struggle in Syria (Berkeley: Mizan Press, 1983).
- 38.
Brynjar Lia, Architect of Global Jihad: The Life of Al Qaeda Strategist Abu Mus’ab Al-Suri (New York: Columbia University Press, 2008), 37.
- 39.
For more detail on the events in Hama, see: Lia, “The Islamist Uprising in Syria, 1976–82: The History and Legacy of a Failed Revolt,” 13–15; Lefèvre, Ashes of Hama, 122–128.
- 40.
Thomas Pierret, “Islamist-Secular Cooperation: Accounting for the Syrian Exception”, in The Dynamics of Opposition Cooperation in the Arab World: Contentious Politics in Times of Change, ed. H.J. Kraetzschmar (Routledge Chapman & Hall, 2012), 92.
- 41.
Chris Kutschera, “L’éclipse Des Frères Musulmans Syriens,” Cahiers de l’Orient, no. 7 (1987).
- 42.
Ibid.
- 43.
See Tilly and Tarrow, Contentious Politics, 8–9.
- 44.
Barry Rubin, The Truth About Syria (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 135.
- 45.
Christopher Hemmer, “Syria under Bashar Al-Asad: Clinging to His Roots,” in Know Thy Enemy: Profiles of Adversary Leaders and Their Strategic Cultures, ed. Barry R. Schneider and Jerrold M. Post (Washington, D.C.: USAF Counterproliferation Center, 2003), 227.
- 46.
Ibid.
- 47.
Ibid.
- 48.
Gani, “Contentious Politics and the Syrian Crisis: Internationalization and Militarisation of the Conflict,” 135.
- 49.
See Alan George, Syria: Neither Bread nor Freedom (London: Zed Books, 2003), 30–46, for the development of the civil society movement that became synonymous with the Damascus Spring.
- 50.
The Bashar al-Asad governmnet was shutting down the discussion forums by mid-February 2001, after which the intellectuals leading them were arrested. See Eyal Zisser, Commanding Syria: Bashar Al-Asad and the First Years in Power (London: I. B. Tauris, 2007), 89–90.
- 51.
Interview conducted with an executive member of the SMB in January 2015.
- 52.
“Syrian Muslim Brotherhood Head Cites ‘Positive Indications’ for Bashar’s Rule,” (BBC Monitoring Middle East – Political, 18 July 2000).
- 53.
Syrian Muslim Brotherhood, “Draft Charter of National Honour for Political Activity: Interim Papers Muslim Brotherhood in Syria, Released in London, 3 May 2001,” Middle East Affairs Journal 7, no. 1–2 (Winter–Spring, 2001).
- 54.
Ali Sadr al-Din al-Bayanuni, “The Syrian Muslim Brotherhood: Experiences and Prospects,” ibid. (2001): 117.
- 55.
The 2001 draft Charter’s modern state is based on the rule of law, free and fair elections, political pluralism, and the division of authority.
- 56.
Interview conducted with an executive member of the SMB in January 2015.
- 57.
Eyal Zisser, “Syria, the Ba`th Regime and the Islamic Movement: Stepping on a New Path?,” The Muslim World 95, no. 1 (2005): 57.
- 58.
Ibid.
- 59.
“Syrian Minister Plays Down Significance of Muslim Brotherhood Conference,” (BBC Monitoring Middle East – Political, 27 August 2002).
- 60.
Israel invaded Lebanon in 1982, and continued to occupy the south when it withdrew from other parts of Lebanon in 1985.
- 61.
Robert G. Rabil, Syria, the United States, and the War on Terror in the Middle East (Westport: Praeger Security International, 2006), 123.
- 62.
- 63.
Bassel Salloukh, ‘Demystifying Syrian Foreign Policy under Bashar Al-Asad,’ in Demystifying Syria, ed. Fred H. Lawson (London: Saqi, 2009), 163–168.
- 64.
- 65.
The Arab League initially legitimised Syria’s military presence in Lebanon in the context of the Lebanese civil war.
- 66.
Salloukh, “Demystifying Syrian Foreign Policy under Bashar Al-Asad,” 166–168.
- 67.
Rabil, Syria, the United States, and the War on Terror in the Middle East, 149.
- 68.
An Arabic copy is available on the SMB’s website: ‘Political Project for the Future of Syria – Vision of the Muslim Brotherhood in Syria 1425/2004,’ http://ikhwansyria.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%85%D8%B4%D8%B1%D9%88%D8%B9-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%B3%D9%8A-%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%88%D8%B1%D9%8A%D8%A9-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%85%D8%B3%D8%AA%D9%82%D8%A8%D9%84.pdf
- 69.
Interviews conducted with two executive members of the SMB in January 2015.
- 70.
Sami M. Moubayed, “The Ball Is Now in Syria’s Court,” Asia Times Online, http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_East/GJ25Ak02.html; Volker Perthes, “Coping with External Challenges,” Adelphi Papers: Syria Under Bashar al-Asad: Modernisation and the Limits for Change 44, no. 366 (2004).
- 71.
An English translation of the Damascus Declaration is available at: http://joshualandis.oucreate.com/syriablog/2005/11/damascus-declaration-in-english.htm
- 72.
See Pierret, “Islamist-Secular Cooperation: Accounting for the Syrian Exception,” 92.
- 73.
Yvette Talhamy, “The Syrian Muslim Brothers and the Syrian-Iranian Relationship,” The Middle East Journal 63, no. 4 (2009): 578.
- 74.
Pierret, “Islamist-Secular Cooperation: Accounting for the Syrian Exception,” 97.
- 75.
See ibid.
- 76.
- 77.
Gani, ‘Contentious Politics and the Syrian Crisis: Internationalization and Militarisation of the Conflict,’ 136; Reinoud Leenders, ‘Social Movement Theory and the Onset of the Popular Uprising in Syria,’ Arab studies quarterly 35, no. 3 (2013): 277.
- 78.
Gani, “Contentious Politics and the Syrian Crisis: Internationalization and Militarisation of the Conflict,” 136.
- 79.
Leenders, “Social Movement Theory and the Onset of the Popular Uprising in Syria,” 275.
- 80.
For an alternative perspective, see Inez Von Weitershausen, “Foreign Engagement in Contentious Politics: Europe and the 2011 Uprisings in Libya,” in Contentious Politics in the Middle East: Popular Resistance and Marginalized Activism Beyond the Arab Uprisings, ed. Fawaz A Gerges (New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015), 159–165.
- 81.
International Crisis Group, “Anything but Politics: The State of Syria’s Political Opposition,” in Middle East Report (Beirut/Damascus/Brussels, October 2013).
- 82.
For a detailed account of these events, see Carsten Wieland, Syria – a Decade of Lost Chances: Repression and Revolution from Damascus Spring to Arab Spring (Seattle: Cune Press, 2012), 20.
- 83.
Interview conducted with an executive member of the SMB in January 2015.
- 84.
Interview conducted with an executive member of the SMB in January 2015.
- 85.
The 2011 Syria Revolution Facebook page (now Syrian Revolution Network) is said to have been an initiative of a member of the SMB, but the Brotherhood does not claim the initiative and the page has none of the SMB’s branding.
- 86.
Interview conducted with an executive member of the SMB in January 2015.
- 87.
A member of the SMB executive furnished the writer with a copy of the press statement on the conference, which is dated 26 April 2011.
- 88.
Interview conducted with an executive member of the SMB in January 2015.
- 89.
Tilly and Tarrow, Contentious Politics, 36.
- 90.
- 91.
Interview conducted with an executive member of the SMB in January 2015.
- 92.
International Crisis Group, “Anything but Politics: The State of Syria’s Political Opposition,” 20.
- 93.
Interview conducted with an executive member of the SMB in June 2015.
- 94.
An English translation is available at “Syrian Muslim Brotherhood: Pledge and Charter on Syria,” Carnegie Middle East Center, http://carnegie-mec.org/publications/?fa=48390
- 95.
The United States and German governments funded a number of meetings in Europe between Syrian exiles and Western technical experts on the reconstruction of Syria, aptly called: ‘The Day After.’
- 96.
Philippe Droz-Vincent, “The ‘Dark Side’ of the Syrian Transition and Its Potentially Dire Regional Consequences,” in NOREF Policy Brief (Oslo: Norwegian Peacebuilding Resource Centre, April 2012), 2.
- 97.
Ibid., 3.
- 98.
Robin Yassin-Kassab and Leila Al-Shami, Burning Country: Syrians in Revolution and War (London: Pluto Press, 2016), 83.
- 99.
The Syrian government bussed diplomats stationed in Damascus (including the writer) to Jisr al-Shughour in order to observe a mass grave, which officials said contained the bodies of soldiers killed and mutilated by ‘terrorists’ and ‘armed gangs’.
- 100.
The final statement of the SMB’s consultative council, held from 8–10 March 2012, is available in Arabic at: www.ikhwansyria.com/Portals/Content/?Name=البيان%20الختامي%20لمجلس%20شورى%20جماعة%20الإخوان%20المسلمين%20في%20سورية..%201032012&info=YVdROU16QTRNemdtYzI5MWNtTmxQVk4xWWxCaFoyVW1kSGx3WlQweEpnPT0rdQ==.Syr
- 101.
Interview conducted with an executive member of the SMB in January 2015.
- 102.
Thomas Pierret, “Salafis at War in Syria: Logics of Fragmentation and Realignment,” in Salafism after the Arab Awakening: Contending with People’s Power ed. Francesco Cavatorta and Fabio Merone (Oxford: Oxford University Press, Incorporated, 2016), 279.
- 103.
Raphael Lefèvre and Ali El Yassir, “Militias for the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood,” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, http://carnegieendowment.org/sada/2013/10/29/militias-for-syrian-muslim-brotherhood/grhp
- 104.
International Crisis Group, “Anything but Politics: The State of Syria’s Political Opposition,” 11.
- 105.
International Crisis Group, “Tentative Jihad: Syria’s Fundamentalist Opposition,” in Middle East Report (Damascus/Brussels, October 2012), 3.
- 106.
Yassin-Kassab and Al-Shami, Burning Country: Syrians in Revolution and War, 93.
- 107.
- 108.
Tilly and Tarrow, Contentious Politics, 170.
- 109.
Ibid., 171.
- 110.
Interview conducted with an executive member of the SMB in January 2015.
- 111.
Lefèvre and El Yassir, “Militias for the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood”, 29.
- 112.
Lefèvre, “The Muslim Brotherhood in Syria: A ‘Centrist’ Jihad?”, 3.
- 113.
Raphaël Lefèvre, “Islamism within a Civil War: The Syrian Muslim Brotherhood’s Struggle for Survival,” (Working Paper, Brookings, 2015), 8.
- 114.
Raphaël Lefèvre and Ali El Yassir, “The Sham Legion: Syria’s Moderate Islamists,” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, http://carnegieendowment.org/syriaincrisis/?fa=55344
- 115.
Ibid.
- 116.
Thomas Pierret, “State Sponsors and the Syrian Insurgency: The Limits of Foreign Influence,” in Inside Wars Local Dynamics of Conflicts in Syria and Libya, ed. Luigi Narbone, Agnes Favier, and Virginie Collombier (Florence, Italy: European University Institute, 2016), 26.
- 117.
- 118.
Scott Lucas, “Syria Document: Insurgents Issue “Revolutionary Covenant”.”, http://eaworldview.com/2014/05/syria-document-insurgents-issue-revolutionary-covenant/
- 119.
Pierret, “Salafis at War in Syria: Logics of Fragmentation and Realignment,” 299.
- 120.
Lucas, “Syria Document: Insurgents Issue “Revolutionary Covenant”.”
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Booysen, H. (2018). Surviving the Syrian Uprising: The Syrian Muslim Brotherhood. In: Conduit, D., Akbarzadeh, S. (eds) New Opposition in the Middle East. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-8821-6_7
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