Abstract
This chapter first briefly summarizes the main findings. It then shows the contributions that this study has made to the existing assumptions and theories concerning ideological evolution in China, China’s authoritarian resilience, and the Chinese state and society relations. It concludes with the limits and possible directions for future studies.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
Huntington (1968) argues that whether a state can endure modernization depends on its levels of institutionalization, which can be defined by its adaptability, complexity, autonomy, and coherence. This section only focuses on adaptability and coherence, because complexity is not related with the decentralized responses model. Besides, since autonomy and coherence are closely connected with each other, only coherence is discussed here.
- 3.
According to Gilley, even in the summer of 1988, the then Premier Li Peng (Left) launched a withering attack on the rapid economic reform policies of Zhao Ziyang (Right), prefiguring the hard-liner backlash of the following spring. See Gilley (1998).
- 4.
For a detailed discussion about the ideological rivalry between the right and left, please refer to Fewsmith (2001).
- 5.
- 6.
Though Migdal’s 1988 work, Strong Society and Weak State, mainly focuses on one dimension of state-society relations, that is, society’s influence over states (specifically, how the structure of a society affects its state’s capabilities and how societies affect the character and style of states), his state-in-society approach changes the unidirectional “bottom-up” approach and views the state and society as mutually affecting and even integrating with each other.
- 7.
For a detailed explanation of the low rate of self-identification as “Confucian”, please see Sun (2009).
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Pang, Q. (2019). Conclusions. In: State-Society Relations and Confucian Revivalism in Contemporary China. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-8312-9_7
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