Abstract
This chapter explores how the Chinese state has responded to the rise of the “Confucian entrepreneur” among private entrepreneurs since the early 1990s. It is critical because China’s private entrepreneurs, whose numbers have grown exponentially since the early 1980s, is a key factor in determining the future of Chinese political institutions. With their ever-increasing economic clout, private entrepreneurs are crucial to the stability of the current political system, as they have both resources and the potential to challenge the authoritarian rule (Guo 2003a; White, Aust J Chin Aff 31, 1994; White et al., In search of civil society: market reform and social change in contemporary China. Oxford University Press, 2004; Zheng 2004b).
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Notes
- 1.
A widely quoted phrase of Moore has been, “No bourgeois, no democracy” (1966).
- 2.
Tsai (2005) has argued that entrepreneurs have, in fact, various informal links with the government.
- 3.
Tsai (2005) has a detailed and insightful discussion about the various informal institutional adaptations that the entrepreneurs have developed with the government.
- 4.
In reality, this rationale has long been grasped by the imperial state in the dynastic rule. The imperial state endeavored to reduce or downgrade the social status of merchants so that they had to rely on the state or the bureaucracy.
- 5.
In fact, up till now, there has been no unanimous consensus upon the definition of “Confucian entrepreneur” in the Chinese academic community today. Some believe that all entrepreneurs who exhibit Chinese culture characteristics (whatever that means) should be called “Confucian entrepreneurs” (see Chen 2000).
- 6.
It also reformulated those parts of Confucianism that originally were not closely related to business settings, for example, redefining “righteousness” (yi, originally meaning fairness and justice) as “not hurting others for the sake of profit” and “not acting against one’s conscience”. It ignored those that are not relevant to business, for example, the philosophical discussions of Way (dao) or Principle (li) in Neo-Confucian philosophy (Cheung 2002, p. 29).
- 7.
These courses usually charge 60,000–500,000 RMB for a year, depending on their content. Their success shows that the Confucian revival is, in part, commercially driven. The rampant commercialism has actively stimulated the consumption of Confucian cultural products, especially among the rich.
- 8.
Concerning entrepreneurs’ promotion of Confucianism in enterprises, there are some detailed descriptions in Kang et al. (2010).
- 9.
According to Ge Xin, there were over ten registered Confucian entrepreneur associations in China. For details, please see Ge (2010).
- 10.
- 11.
Interviewees 54 and 56.
- 12.
Interviewees 54 and 55; the information can also be located in Yangzhou rushang yanjiuhui (2007).
- 13.
The rest of the three criteria were de (morality), cheng (honesty and credibility), and ze (social responsibility).
- 14.
For details, see Yangzhou rushang yanjiuhui (2007).
- 15.
Information about these candidates and the whole CEP can be found at http://app.longhoo.net/vote/list.php?cid=184
- 16.
Interviewee 56.
- 17.
For details of this speech, see Zhou (2010).
- 18.
The document was provided by interviewee 57.
- 19.
There are approximately two million society-oriented organizations in China, and it accounts for approximately 20% of the total civil organizations.
- 20.
Interviewee 55.
- 21.
For details, please see http://www.gjrsxh.com/Article/ShowInfo.asp?ID=46
- 22.
For details, please see http://www.gjrsxh.com/Article/ShowInfo.asp?ID=105
- 23.
Interviewee 45.
- 24.
This department was later renamed Domestic Trade Department (guonei maoyi bu) in 1993.
- 25.
For details, please refer to http://news.12371.cn/2017/06/30/ARTI1498810325807955.shtml
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Pang, Q. (2019). Confucianism with Consent: The Revival of “Confucian Entrepreneur” and the Chinese State’s Responses. In: State-Society Relations and Confucian Revivalism in Contemporary China. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-8312-9_5
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