Skip to main content

The Uneven Regulation of Private Security in ASEAN Member States

  • Chapter
  • First Online:
Securing the Belt and Road Initiative
  • 1305 Accesses

Abstract

The enormity of the Belt and Road initiative means that its security requirements have the potential to exceed the capacities of both Chinese and partner-state military, security and policing forces (Arduino 2015). Accordingly, the success of the Belt and Road initiative will rely to a large extent on the capabilities of the global private security industry. But whilst these services—ranging from site, property and personal protection to surveillance, cash transportation and associated technologies—can enhance the security of Chinese overseas investments, they also pose significant risks. High levels of competition within the private security industry provides disincentives for companies and individuals to invest in expensive training. This results in low-quality services and poor working conditions, which increase the likelihood of malpractice and risks to both the businesses they protect and the public they face (Button 2008; van Steden and Sarre 2010). Furthermore, those unable to afford private security services are not only excluded from its benefits, but as a consequence face greater insecurity (Bayley and Shearing 1996). Highlighting this dilemma, the United Nations’ Handbook on State Regulation concerning Civilian Private Security Services and their Contribution to Crime Prevention and Community Safety demonstrates that effective regulatory frameworks allow states, the private sector and communities to benefit from private security services whilst mitigating against the risks they pose to safety (UNODC 2014, p. vii). Yet to date, there has been little systematic research into the operation and governance of private security services in the member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) (on the ‘ethnocentrism’ of policing research see Manning 2005, p. 32). This stands in stark contrast to two growing research agendas: the first on domestic private security services in other Asian states such as China (Zhong and Grabosky 2009; Arduino 2015), Japan (Yoshida 1999) and South Korea (Button et al. 2006; Nalla and Hwang 2006; Lee 2008; Kim 2015); and the second on private maritime services in the region (Liss 2007; Sciascia 2013).

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this chapter

Chapter
USD 29.95
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
eBook
USD 79.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as EPUB and PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
Softcover Book
USD 99.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Compact, lightweight edition
  • Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
  • Free shipping worldwide - see info
Hardcover Book
USD 139.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Durable hardcover edition
  • Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
  • Free shipping worldwide - see info

Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout

Purchases are for personal use only

Institutional subscriptions

Notes

  1. 1.

    Only two ASEAN member states—Philippines and Thailand—contributed data to the 2011 UNODC Expert Group on Civilian Private Security Services , further demonstrating the lack of data concerning regulation in this region.

  2. 2.

    One notable exception to this is research concerning Singapore, which focuses primarily on the attitudes of private security officers (Nalla and Hoffman 1996; Nalla and Lim 2003; Lim and Nalla 2014).

  3. 3.

    Association of Southeast Asian Nations . ASEAN member states include: Brunei, Cambodia , Indonesia, Laos Malaysia, Myanmar , Philippines , Singapore , Thailand and Vietnam .

  4. 4.

    The proposition that states once maintained a monopoly over the provision of security within their respective territories has stood as the conceptual foundation stone of the governance of security literature. Despite this, it is highly doubtful that any state has held an actual monopoly (Zedner 2006).

  5. 5.

    The ratio is included to give an idea of the size of the private security industry relative to public police forces. We do not intend to make any judgement concerning the extent to which there has been a transformation in policing in Southeast Asia (see White and Gill 2013). This is both beyond the scope of this chapter and would require historical research.

  6. 6.

    Prenzler and Sarre (2008) map out eleven areas of misconduct —fraud, incompetence and poor standards, exploitation of security staff, corruption, information corruption, violence, false arrest, discrimination and harassment, insider crime and misuse of weapons.

  7. 7.

    In Thailand , the ninth grade is known as Matthayom 3—the typical age of children in this grade is 15/16 years.

Bibliography

Legal Documents

References

Download references

Acknowledgement

Sebastian Booth would like to thank the Economic and Social Research Council (Grant Number: ES/J500215/1) for their financial support during his internship at the United Nations Interregional Criminal Justice Research Institute, during which this research was conducted.

Author information

Authors and Affiliations

Authors

Editor information

Editors and Affiliations

Rights and permissions

Reprints and permissions

Copyright information

© 2018 The Author(s)

About this chapter

Check for updates. Verify currency and authenticity via CrossMark

Cite this chapter

Booth, S., Smith, C.J. (2018). The Uneven Regulation of Private Security in ASEAN Member States. In: Arduino, A., Gong, X. (eds) Securing the Belt and Road Initiative. Palgrave, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-7116-4_2

Download citation

Publish with us

Policies and ethics