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Introduction

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The Southeast Asian Woman Writes Back

Part of the book series: Asia in Transition ((AT,volume 6))

Abstract

The study of postcolonial fiction works produced by Southeast Asian women remains under-researched as a site of investigation into the representational politics of gender, identity and nation in Southeast Asian societies on several fronts. Very often, research into Southeast Asian literary and cultural productions excludes gender as a point of inquiry; or else, the analysis is restricted to literary productions in individual countries.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Race and ethnicity are often at the forefront of numerous edited volumes and monographs on Southeast Asian literature, including Salmon (1981), Suryadinata (1993), Wong (2002), Lo (2004), Lim (2008), Goh et al. (2009), Goh (2011), Groppe (2013), and Tan (2013).

  2. 2.

    As many literary works are produced in the national language or native/mother tongue, they pose a serious challenge to international scholars who either rely on translated writings or have the ability to read in the local language(s) in order to access these literatures. Consequently, the analysis of gender in literature is often confined to studies of individual countries, or produced as book chapters and journal articles. Monograph examples include Nor Faridah and Quayum (2003), Arimbi (2009), Galam (2009), Pison (2010), and Hellwig (2012).

  3. 3.

    These studies repeatedly highlight the ambivalent position of women as gendered citizens. As Yuval-Davis (2003) notes: “On the one hand, … they often symbolize the collectivity, unity, honour and the raison d’etre of specific national and ethnic projects, like going to war. On the other hand, however, they are often excluded from the collective ‘we’ of the body politic, and retain an object rather than a subject position. In this sense the construction of womanhood has a property of Otherness” (19).

  4. 4.

    Heng and Devan (1995) provide an incisive analysis of Singapore’s eugenicist interest, seen in the government’s interventionist strategies on race and gender through the control of women’s bodies and reproduction rates.

  5. 5.

    Refer to Kaur (2007) for an example of how the governments of Singapore and Malaysia, the two main employers in the region, police domestic workers.

  6. 6.

    Published research on this topic includes Sarker and Niyogi De (2003) and Tadiar (2004, 2009).

  7. 7.

    We include the volume here because, with the exception of one chapter on China, all the other chapters examine Southeast Asian contexts.

  8. 8.

    See Walby (1996, 251–2) for her discussion of the criticism (that feminism is Western in origin) levelled by third world feminists against first world feminism.

  9. 9.

    This global phenomenon, seen not only in Third World countries but also in developed nations like the UK and the USA, attests to the pervasive and insidious “othering” of feminists through misleading stereotypes and discourses in popular, patriarchal imaginaries.

  10. 10.

    It should also be noted that independent cinema and new media in the region have managed to carve out a niche for LGBTQ narratives. Indeed, what scholarship has been done on queer Southeast Asia in recent years, and it has been significant, has mostly been dominated by cinema and new media studies. See Ng (1999), Berry et al. (2003), and Murtagh (2013).

  11. 11.

    It is illegal to be homosexual in four Southeast Asian countries: Singapore, Malaysia, Brunei and Myanmar. Refer to Mosbergen (2015) for details.

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Chin, G.V.S., Mohd Daud, K. (2018). Introduction. In: Chin, G., Mohd Daud, K. (eds) The Southeast Asian Woman Writes Back. Asia in Transition, vol 6. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-7065-5_1

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