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Conservation and Ethnicization of Little India

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Social Cultural Engineering and the Singaporean State
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Abstract

Within a plural society, it has become commonplace for different ethnic groups to establish certain ethnic markers in order to both create an identity and differentiate themselves from others. Religion, language and cultural practices have increasingly become regarded as important features in the creation of ethnic markers. Establishing their sociocultural space is also another important feature in raising their social visibility and ethnic boundary. The establishment of Chinatown , Korean-town, Japanese-town, Indian-town and others can be seen as attempts by these ethnic minorities to display their economic but more significantly sociocultural and religious activities and ethnic solidarity within the confines of a bounded space. In Singapore, the state pushed itself into the forefront as the propeller of development and a guardian of cultural preservation . It wanted to be known as a “moral state” where the state viewed its next important task as preserving the ethico-moral and cultural fabric of the society. In the case of Little India , the Singaporean Indians were not prepared to be bystanders and participated actively in this process of change and development. This chapter examined the relationship between the state and the Indians in the conservation and transformation of the Little India district. It argued that the state, by earmarking the Little India district as a conservation area, reinforced the district as an Indian economic and sociocultural space. At the same time, the Indians themselves, through their cultural and religious activities, not only reclaimed their ethnic space but established their own culturally based ethnicity. In so doing, they defined their Indian racial identity in addition to the state-based CMIO model.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The term “developmental state” has been used by some authors to describe the East Asian states (including Japan and the newly industrialized countries) where legitimacy of the state lies with its ability to bring about development in these nations. See Appelbaum and Henderson (1992).

  2. 2.

    The General Household Survey 2015 showed that there was slight change in the population ratio of the main ethnic groups. There are 74.3% Chinese, 13.3% Malay, 9.1 Indians and 3.2% Others. (http://www.singstat.gov.sg/docs/default-source/default-document-library/publications/publications_and_papers/GHS/ghs2015/indicators.pdf, accessed 5/5/2017).

  3. 3.

    Cross-ethnic relationships continued to be an extremely sensitive issue in contemporary Singapore and were dealt with cautiously. The Singapore state was determined to keep it under control. The early examples of ethnic distrust and suspicion had led to conflicts between the Chinese and Malays, resulting in the 1969 Racial Riot. See Bedlington (1978).

  4. 4.

    During the early years, the various ethnic groups established their own schools and students were taught in the vernacular. There was also no common teaching curriculum. The result was that each group adopted the curriculum of their mother country. This was viewed negatively by the new government who felt that the vernacular education fostered only ethnic and national sentiments towards the respective mother countries of the migrants, instead of a Singapore national identity.

  5. 5.

    The Singapore government provided highly subsidized public housing for its population since the 1960s with the establishment of the Housing Development Board. It continued to provide good quality subsidized housing to more than 80% of its population. For a general discussion of public housing in Singapore, see Yeh, S.H.K. 1975.

  6. 6.

    In 1989, the ministers expressed the need to take greater actions in fostering the creation of a national identity in Singapore. They argued for a set of common values for all Singaporeans, irrespective of their ethnic background. This culminated in the tabling of a White Paper which was enacted as legislation in 1991 (see Singapore Government 1991).

  7. 7.

    For a comprehensive programme on the annual Thaipusam Festival and its related activities, see http://thaipusam.sg/, accessed 5/5/2017.

  8. 8.

    On 8 December 2013, a riot involving the Indian guestworkers broke out when a bus knocked and killed an Indian national at the junction of Hampshire Road and Race Course Road in Little India. The government has since then taken measures to ensure crowd control of the Indian guest workers gathering in Little India (http://www.todayonline.com/singapore/riot-breaks-out-little-india, accessed 7/5/2017; http://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/little-india-riot-one-year-later-the-night-that-changed-singapore, accessed 7/5/2017).

  9. 9.

    https://www.wttc.org/-/media/files/reports/economic%20impact%20research/countries%202016/singapore2016.pdf, World Travel Council and Tourism, “Travel and Tourism: Economic Impact 2016 Singapore”, accessed 7/5/2017.

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Kuah, K.E. (2018). Conservation and Ethnicization of Little India. In: Social Cultural Engineering and the Singaporean State. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-6971-0_8

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-6971-0_8

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