Abstract
Remarkably, given the attention paid to Vietnam, industrial relations was by 1972 considered one of the most important issues in Australian politics. It had dominated the agenda at the 1971 national ALP conference.
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Notes
- 1.
To put this into some contemporary perspective, in the year to September 2016 a mere 106,500 working days were lost (ABS, 2016).
- 2.
The name of the donor has never been released, but rumour has it that he acted on behalf of the government (Jamieson, 2009).
- 3.
The simple categorisation of the two officials into left and right camps is somewhat problematic, as Hawke himself pointed out: ‘On the floor of the Congress I could not win without significant support from the Right and, to the limited extent one could speak of such a category, the non-aligned’. In seeming justification of such a categorisation, however, Hawke conceded that ‘my campaign lieutenants were all men of the Left’ (Hawke, 1994: 47–48).
- 4.
Again, a clear distinction between ‘right’ and ‘left’ unions is difficult to make. In this period, however, Hagan argued that right unions were generally supportive of compulsory arbitration, opposed to strikes (often a result of their industrial weakness), had more faith in the election of a Labor government as a solution to industrial problems, and opposed to strikes on political issues. The left, by contrast, was more committed to socialism, and more lukewarm in its support for the election of a Labor government. Left unions approached strikes either as an alternative to arbitration or as a means to educate the working class in order to prepare it for replacing capitalism with a socialist system, depending on how far left a position on the spectrum the union occupied. Left unions were more favourably disposed towards the use of industrial action for furthering political objectives (Hagan, 1981: 251–252; 277–278).
- 5.
The Arbitration Commission helpfully decided that employers could absorb increases in awards by reducing over-award payments (Bentley, 1980: 27).
- 6.
Clyde Cameron himself cited figures from the International Labour Organisation (ILO) showing in 1970 the number of hours lost per 1000 workers. While Australia had lost 810, the US had lost 1390, Canada 2550, and Italy 4440 (HRH, 7 December 1971: 4198).
- 7.
‘Business Executives for a Change of Government’ took out advertisements in major newspapers lamenting crises that had enveloped the government in recent times (see, for example, The Australian, 8 November 1972: 6).
- 8.
‘Political’ strikes refer here to those against the Vietnam war and the 1970 budget, rather than those aimed at gaining improvements in wages and conditions. However, it should be noted that distinguishing an ‘industrial strike’ from a ‘political’ strike is problematic. Strikes aimed at securing improvements in working conditions can take on political dimensions when they are subject to legal restrictions. Having said that, the approach taken henceforth is to accept, subject to the above qualifications, the legitimacy of distinguishing between political and industrial strikes. As Hay writes: ‘It may be that all trade union activity is ultimately industrial, but clearly not all such activity is ultimately political. A strike over unsanitary toilet facilities or an overtime ban in support of increased bonuses for instance, is not. A distinction between types of strikes can be made then, not on the grounds of whether the strike is ultimately industrial but on whether it is ultimately political’ (Hay, 1978: 25).
- 9.
Again, by contrast, in 2013, just 17% of Australian workers were members of a trade union in their main occupation (ABS, 2013).
- 10.
A section of the NSW Labor Party created by unions in 1915 to mount a block vote on issues before annual party conferences, and when it came to the election of party officials (Turner, 1979: 94).
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Lavelle, A. (2018). The First Whitlam Opposition (1967–1972): The Sleeping Giant Stirs—Industrial Relations Policy and Labor’s Relationship with the Unions. In: Opposition Vanishing. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-5825-7_5
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