Korean Diaspora and Capitalist Modernization in the United States and Japan

Pakhomov, Oleg

doi:10.1007/978-981-10-5505-8_4

Oleg Pakhomov²

232 Accesses

Abstract

Korean Diaspora in the United States and Japan represent opposite patterns of ethnic boundaries reproduction in capitalist societies. Korean Americans developed their ethnicity as reaction to successful upward economic mobility. From the very beginning, the trust towards Korean immigrants was reflection of how well they were doing economically. However, this made Korean American Diaspora dependent on the contradictions of American society. The inevitable outcome of their economic activities (successful or not) was increase of racial/class tensions and conflicts that they could not ignore. Every economic activity represents temporal balance between scarcity and abundance and ethnic boundaries of Korean American Diaspora guarantee that scarcity of money and goods is once again present in American society, even for another ethnic group that motivates latter to pursue their own American dream. Japanese Koreans on the contrary developed moralized ethnic boundaries in response to social and economic exclusion. The disadvantaged status forces Japanese Koreans to mobilize their members for protest movements legitimized by the moralized image of Koreans in Japan as victims of discrimination. This does not always produce compassion among Japanese public but very often produces social irritations and eventually counter-protest movements that are also legitimized by moralized image of Japanese society as victim of Japanese Korean demands of compensations. Eventually this gives opportunity to Japanese Koreans to refer to unsuccessful attempts to obtain compensations and the cases of counter protest movement as a new proof of ongoing discrimination against their community to start this cycle of moral discontent once again.

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Notes

1.
Niklas Luhmann, Die Wirtschaft der Gesellschaft (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1996), 62.
2.
Luhmann, Niklas. Social Systems. Translated by John Bednarz Jr. (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1995), 235.
3.
Wayne Patterson The Korean Frontier in America: Immigration to Hawaii, 1896–1910 (Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press, 1994), 108.
4.
Norris Hundley, The Asian American: The Historical Experience (Santa Barbara, CA: Clio Books, 1976), 133.
5.
Okyun Kwon, Buddhist and Protestant Korean Immigrants: Religious Beliefs and Socioeconomic Aspects of Life New Americans (New York: LFB Scholarly Publishing LLC, 2003), 27–28.
6.
Niklas Luhmann, Law as a Social System, translated by Klaus A. Ziegert (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 64; Also see on social imperatives on individuality in Niklas Luhmann, Observations on Modernity, translated by William Whobrey (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1998), 7.
7.
In Su Kim, Protestants and the Formation of Modern Korean Nationalism, 1885–1920: a Study of the Contributions of Horace G. Underwood and Sun Chu Kil (Ann Arbor, MI: Michigan University, 1996), 114.
8.
See for instance on Hawaiian Organic Act, new system of crown land distribution and local distribution of revenue in Kēhaulani J. Kauanui, Hawaiian Blood: Colonialism and the Politics of Sovereignty and Indigeneity (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2008) 29, 70.
9.
On nativism and racism in political participation in Hawaii in early twentieth century Pei Te Lien, The Making of Asian America through Political Participation (Temple University Press, 2001), 1–42.
10.
Wayne Patterson, The Ilse: First-Generation Korean Immigrants in Hawaii, 1903–1973 (Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press, 2000), 80–99.
11.
Prinsen Geerligs H. C., The World’s Cane Sugar Industry: Past and Present (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 362.
12.
Wayne Patterson, The Ilse: First-Generation Korean Immigrants in Hawaii, 1903–1973, 75–77, 217.
13.
Michael Heale, American Anticommunism: Combating the Enemy within 1830–1970 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1990), 167.
14.
See for instance, Tai Hwan Kwon, “Demographic Trends and Their Social Implications,” in The Quality of Life in Korea: Comparative and Dynamic Perspectives (Verlag, NY: Springer, 2003), 32–34.
15.
Jae Seung Shim and Moo Sung Lee, The Korean Economic System: Governments, Big Business and Financial Institutions (Farnham: Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., 2008), 54.
16.
Lloyd Rodwin, Hidehiko Sazanami, Deindustrialization and Regional Economic Transformation: The Experience of the United States (Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1989), 90–95; On postwar deindustrialization of American economy see for instance Barry Barry Bluestone and Bennett Harrison, The Deindustrialization of America: Plant Closings, Community Abandonment, and the Dismantling of Basic industry (New York: Basic Books, 1982), 140–192.
17.
Jae Seung Shim and Moosung Lee, The Korean Economic System: Governments, Big Business and Financial Institutions, 54.
18.
Alison Blay Palmer, Imagining Sustainable Food Systems: Theory and Practice (Farnham: Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., 2010), 98–99. Also see examples of expanding of chain stores after 1992 LA riots, “Vons Plans to Expand into South Central L.A.,” Daily News of Los Angeles July 23, 1992; “Ralphs Opens New Site,” Daily News of Los Angeles June 11, 1993.
19.
See detailed analysis of demographics of third wave of Korean immigrants to the United States in Won Moo Hurh, The Korean Americans, 41–43.
20.
William David Thomas, Korean Americans (Terrytown, NY: Marshall Cavendish, 2009), 10.
21.
See Los Angeles Times, September 13, 2000 on four Korean American Banks in Top Ranks of SBA Lending; Finance: Hanmi, Wilshire, Nara, California Center among top ten using popular loan program to boost minority firms. Hanmi Bank, Wilshire State Bank, Nara Bank and California Center Bank were among the top 10 institutions loaning the most money to Los Angeles County businesses through the SBA’s popular 7(a) lending program, according to the analysis, which reviewed SBA lending in the 1990s. Only 5 years ago Hanmi Bank was in the top ten.
22.
David H. Kaplan Kaplan and Wei Li, Landscapes of the Ethnic Economy (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2006), 125–129.
23.
New York Times, September 24, 1989.
24.
Bong Youn Choy, Koreans in America (Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 1979), 101.
25.
For an utopian view on the rotating credit system, see Chang Rae Lee’s Native speaker: “My father would have thought him crazy to run a ggeh with people other than just our own. Spanish people? Indians? Vietnamese? How could you trust them? Then even if you could why would you?” in Chang Rae Lee, Native Speaker (New York: Wheeler Publishing, 2002), 261.
26.
Also see Light Ivan, Im Jung Kwuon and Deng Zhong, “Korean Rotating Credit Associations in Los Angeles,” Amerasia, no. 16 (1), 1990, 35–54.
27.
Kye Young Park, The Korean American Dream: Immigrants and Small Business in New York City (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1997), 59–60.
28.
See on the reason of crisis and its impact on South Korean economy in Kyu Sung Lee, South Korea’s Financial Crisis (Washington, DC: World Bank Publications, 2011), 35–71, 111–150.
29.
Jennifer Lee, Civility in the City: Blacks, Jews, and Koreans in Urban America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002), 192.
30.
Pyong Gap Min, Caught in the Middle: Korean Merchants in America’s Multiethnic Cities (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1996), 156.
31.
New York Daily News, December 23, 1997.
32.
According to the Korean Ministry of Health and Welfare (2002), there were 148,394 children adopted and taken outside of Korea.
33.
Won Moo Hurh, The Korean Americans, 39.
34.
Sgt. Johnnie Morgan returns to the U.S. with a Korean wife who once walked 200 miles to be with him/ …. By the time Korea was a word on the lips of every American, Johnnie and Blue were in love. But love in Korea in 1950 was precious and brief. In late June, with North Koreans coming in on Seoul, Johnnie’s outfit withdrew 200 miles south to Pusan, and Blue was left behind. Three weeks later, her feet bare and bleeding, Blue reached Pusan and Johnnie Morgan. She had walked across country to Johnnie. “I knew then,” says Johnnie, “how much I loved the kid,” and he asked her to marry him. “War bride named BLUE comes home,” Life, November 5, 1951, 41.
35.
Matthew Rothschild, “Babies for Sale: South Koreans Make Them, Americans Buy Them,” The Progressive, January 1988, 18–23.
36.
Yong Ho Choe, “Syngman Rhee in Hawaii: His Activities in the Early Years, 1913–1915,” From the Land of Hibiscus: Koreans in Hawaii, 1903–1950 (Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press, 2007), 82.
37.
Ibid, 212.
38.
“Mercy for the Motherland; Korean Americans Wire Home Millions in Cash,” Washington Post, December 21, 1997.
39.
Jinn Magazine, April 9, 1997.
40.
“I cannot run this grocery without my wife. She is the only person whom I can rely on, whether or not I am present at this grocery. When I go out for buying merchandise, I need a very reliable person who can manage employees and deal with money. My wife takes all those responsibilities. She also works from opening to closing with me. I cannot expect any employee to work with me from opening to closing with me. So, we have a division of labor in that I deal with things outside of the business such as buying merchandise, and my wife deals everything inside of the business such as cash registering, bookkeeping, and management of employees.” Kye Young Park The Korean American Dream: Immigrants and Small Business in New York City, 61–64.
41.
Already in early 1990s it was clear for Korean American small business owners that they cannot win competition-wise with the large chain stores in the retail business. See Sharon Bernstein, “Korean Store Owners Protest Supermarkets Retail: Smaller operations worry that the opening of large ethnic groceries will destroy their businesses, “On Friday, about 30 Korean grocery store owners picketed the California Market in Koreatown, carrying signs emblazoned in Korean and English with such slogans as “Do Not Destroy My Children’s Future” and “Do Fair Business.” See Los Angeles Times, December 5, 1992.
42.
“The food available in South Central Los Angeles is genetically engineered, pesticide laden, hybridized and irradiated. The majority of people here eat food that is bagged, bottled, canned, boxed or frozen. A majority of this food comes from South America and Mexico through free-trade agreements.” (Jack Canfield, Mark Victor Hansen, Susanna Palomares, Chicken Soup for the Soul: Stories for a Better World: 101 Stories to Make the World a Better Place (Deerfield Beach, FL: HCI, 2005), 365).
43.
Ron Hira and Anil Hira, Outsourcing America: The True Cost of Shipping Jobs Overseas and What Can Be Done About It (New York: AMACOM, 2008), 67–92.
44.
Thomas Sowell, The Housing Boom and Bust (New York: Basic Books, 2010), 1–56.
45.
Marc Gladstone, “Bill to Ease Rebuilding of Korean American Stores Fails: Legislation Assembly committee defeats measure designed to bar the city from restricting reconstruction of liquor-selling establishments that were destroyed in riots. A key issue of dispute is whether stores are magnets for crime,” Los Angeles Times August 30th, 1994.
46.
“Eddie Park, owner of B & O, said that he cannot afford the $9-per-h security guard fee, and is facing closure. Without the $US4000’s worth of business his store does each month, he said, he won’t be able to pay off a city loan he obtained after his shop was looted and destroyed in the 1992 riots.” I’m 60 years old, “Park said. “I have no other choice. I’m going to be homeless if I don’t work.” (Willoughby Mariano, “Liquor Store Owners Attack Security Laws,” Los Angeles Times, January 14, 2000).
47.
See for example, Leslie Berenstein, “Rebuilding Rules Prevail Merchants Must Hire Guards, Shorten Hours If They Want to Sell Liquor,” Los Angeles Times, September 4, 1994.
48.
The conflict also showed that it, attempts to prevent payments outside racial boundary by African Americans through boycotts justified by slogans “Buy black” Neither Black entrepreneurs could establish alternative system of small business nor could Korean American preserve their ethnic entrepreneurship. See Patrick D. Joyce, No Fire Next Time: Black-Korean Conflicts and the Future of America’s Cities (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2003), 53–119.
49.
“Compared to the liquor store, this is a very safe, clean business,” he said. “Now, I have customers who wait outside the store at 6:30 in the morning because they want to have a healthy breakfast.” (Diane Seo, “Korean Americans Move On to Franchises; Entrepreneurs: Many are Swapping the Drudgery and Danger of Mom-and-Pop Shops for Brand-Name Businesses,” Los Angeles Times, November 5, 1997.
50.
Los Angeles Times, (November 5, 1997).
51.
Repeal of the Glass-Steagall Act by the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act (GLBA) in 1999 that separated investment banks from commercial (depository) banks contributed to bubble growth.
52.
This credit system resolved two major problems: it helped to collapse Soviet Union and develop industry of Information Technologies (Andrey Kobyakov, Mikhail Khazin, Zakat imperii dollara e konez Pax Americana [Decline of Empire of Dollar or the End of Pax Americana] (Moscow: Veche, 2003), 74–80; Also see David Harvey, The Enigma of Capital: And the Crises of Capitalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), 1–39; and David Harvey, A Brief History of Neoliberalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 152–182.
53.
Brian W. Cashell, The Fall and Rise of Household Saving (CRS Report R40647).
The U.S. gross personal saving rate had averaged about 7% of GDP through the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s. In the 1990s, the personal saving rate decreased, averaging about 4.5% of GDP. In the 2000s, the personal saving rate continued to fall, reaching a low of 1.1% by 2005.
54.
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis Review November 2007.
55.
David Wilson, “U.S. Savings Rate Falls to Depression-Era Levels: Chart of Day,” Bloomberg, January 6, 2010.
56.
According to Standard and Poor’s Case-Shiller Index and The Housing Price Index (HPI) time-series for the percentage change of the composite housing index for the US the period between 1995 and 2006, marked rise in house prices rose more than 17%.
57.
According to Baker (Baker 2009) the comparison of housing prices with rents shows that this growth did not rest on fundamentals because if it were true for housing prices, then rents should also go up. However, Baker points out that rents didn’t rise substantially. It wasn’t raising aggregate demand, however, that was fueling the boom, as would be reflected in rising incomes or population growth, but rather, the belief that aggregate demand would continue to rise forever that fueled the growth (Jarsulic 2010, 38).
58.
For instance, in the late 1980s South Korean Hanmi Bank offered special credit line (SBA loans) for Korean American small business that was analogous of informal credit rotating associations like kye. See Los Angeles Times, October 5, 1988.
59.
Los Angeles Times, September 13, 2000.
60.
See for instance Proceedings from the Impact of the Mortgage and Credit Crisis on Asian Small Businesses in Working Meeting organized by Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, July 1, 2008.
61.
“Rosa Ugarte is an example of the type of business owner Korean American banks want to reach. Three years ago, Ugarte used an SBA loan from Wilshire State Bank to open the third branch of Ordonez Mexican Restaurant & Cantina. She’s since sold her other two, but the third is doing well. The SBA loan kept her in business, Ugarte said. Wilshire State Bank “came to each of my properties,” she said. “They were hands-on about what needed to be done. Other banks just see paperwork, and on paper, we weren’t doing very well.” See David Kesmodel, “Four Korean American Banks in Top Ranks of SBA Lending,” Los Angeles Times, September 13, 2000.
62.
David Kesmodel, “Four Korean American Banks in Top Ranks of SBA Lending,” Los Angeles Times, September 13, 2000. Also see Kate Berry, “Bank shot: Sung Won Sohn plans to diversify Hanmi by marketing outside the Korean community and selling products outside the real estate sector,” Los Angeles Business Journal, June 20, 2005.
63.
Los Angeles Business Journal, August, 20 2007.
64.
Figures provided by CRA/LA, March 2008.
65.
Los Angeles Business Journal, April 30, 2007.
66.
Kyong Hwan Park and Young Min Lee, “Rethinking Los Angeles Koreatown: Multi-scaled Geographic Transition Since the Mid-1990s,” Journal of the Korean Geographical Society, no. 42 (2), 2007, 196–217.
67.
The solution for Korean American Diaspora was external regulation. By the late 2000s it became clear that Korean American ethnic banks were loosing competition to mainstream banks and need external assistance not to go bankrupt. “The banks clustered along a mile-long stretch of Wilshire Boulevard still post signs in both Korean and English, and the tellers are bilingual. But the most competitive lenders have names like Bank of America Corp., Wells Fargo & Co., Credit Suisse and Lehman Bros.” (Los Angeles Times, May 25, 2007).
68.
“Like so many Korean immigrants, Ok Kee Shin worked hard for her American dream. She started her own dry-cleaning business in Glendale. She sent two children to University of Southern California. And finally in 2006, she and her husband bought their own home: a $US 600,000 La Crescenta rambler that was small but cozy, with a corner fireplace and backyard patio that brought the family together for meals, board games and lively conversations. But last year, as the recession cut deeply into Shin’s business, she began looking for ways to modify her mortgage and ended up losing her home in what attorneys allege was a massive scam targeting Korean immigrants.” (Teresa Watanabe, “Center Accuses Law Firm of Defrauding Korean Immigrants,” Los Angeles Times, March 10, 2010).
69.
See for instance Alexander D., “No Middle: Koreatown has Exploded in a Glut of Glitzy Towers, but its Residents are among the most Impoverished in the County,” (Los Angeles City Beat, May 12, 2005).
70.
Kyong Hwan Park and Young Min Lee, “Rethinking Los Angeles Koreatown: Multi-Scaled Geographic Transition Since the Mid-1990s,” in Journal of the Korean Geographical Society, no. 42 (2), 2007, 210.
71.
KoreAm, February 29, 2008.
72.
Daisy See Ha, “An Analysis and Critique of KIWA’s Reform Efforts in the Los Angeles Korean American Restaurant Industry,” Asian Law Journal, no. 8 (1), May 2001, 111–152.
73.
See official site of Koreatown Immigrant Workers Alliance http://www.kiwa.org/.
74.
Tony Barboza Irvine embraces diversity at the polls Los Angelese Times, November 09, 2008.
75.
http://www.lakoreanfestival.com/ (Accessed on August 20, 2008).
76.
Niklas Luhmann, Love as Passion, translated by Doris L. Jones (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1998), 250.
77.
Margaret Cho, I Have Chosen to Stay and Fight (New York: Riverhead Books, 2005), 82.
78.
Ibid.
79.
Another example is a book by David Yoo Girls for Breakfast (New York: Random House Children’s Books, 2006) where main character Nick Park tries to fit mainstream American society by having sexual intercourse with white girls.
80.
Paraphrasing Bakhtin’s idea of the carnival, physiological processes are opposed to socially imposed inequalities, See Mikhail Bakhtin, Tvorchestvo François Rabelais e narodnaya kultura srednevekovya e renesansa [Rabelais and Folk Culture of the Middle Ages and Renaissance] (Moscow: Khudozhestvennay Literatura, 1965), 10, 236.
81.
The reason she gives for speaking about her periods on the stage is that “if Richard Pryor had a period, he would talk about it.” See Notorious C.H.O (2002).
82.
Notorious C.H.O (2002).
83.
David Murray Schneider, American Kinship: A Cultural Account (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1980), 107.
84.
All movies were a part of Korean Adoption Film Festival on October 29–30, 2010 at the UMass Boston campus.
85.
Love needs highly personal form of communication based on intimacy and trust. See Niklas Luhmann, Love as Passion: The Codification of Intimacy, 17.
86.
See Ronald Takaki, Strangers From a Different Shore: A History of Asian Americans (Boston: Little, Brown, 1989), 72, 137.
87.
Sydney Mintz, Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modern History (New York: Penguin Books, 1985), xxv.
88.
Ibid., 193.
89.
See for instance, the work of French economist from Enlightenment Era Jean-Baptiste Say (1767–1832). Jean-Baptiste Say, “Of the Advantage and Disadvantages Resulting from Division of Labour, and of the Extent to Which It May Be Carried,” A Treatise on Political Economy (Printed for Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, and Brown, 1821), 72–90.
90.
Niklas Luhmann, Die Wirtschaft der Gesellschaft, 221; Also see Niklas Luhmann, “Arbeitsteilung und Moral. Durkheim Theorie,” in Durkheim, Emile: Uber Soziale Arbeitsteilung. Studie Uber Die Organisation Hoherer Gesellschaften (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1988), 19–38.
91.
See for instance the book of memoirs of Korean women Mary Park Lee about her life in California in early twentieth century, Mary Paik Lee, Quiet Odyssey: A Pioneer Korean Woman in America (University of Washington Press, 1990), 103–117.
92.
The wages were sixty-five cents for men and fifty cents for women for a 10-h working day. See Won Moo Hurh The Korean Americans, 38.
93.
Ronald T. Takaki, Pau Hana: Plantation Life and Labor in Hawaii, 1835–1920 (University of Hawaii Press, 1984), 60.
94.
Fifty percent of all Korean American small businesses failed in the first 2 years. See Yen Le Espiritu, Asian American Women and Men: Labor, Laws, and Love (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2007), 82.
95.
Kye Young Park gives the standard example of how Korean American small business owners perceive their work as monotonous and without clear perspectives. For instance, an owner of dry cleaner complains about the heat and the long working hours from seven in the morning to seven in the evening. He finds the work tedious and repetitious. Another greengrocer points to downward mobility of his occupation saying, “all we had to deal is rotten tomatoes.” See Kye Young Park, The Korean American Dream: Immigrants and Small Business in New York City, 53–54.
96.
The Los Angeles Times, August 23, 1995.
97.
Jeffrey Goldberg, “The Overachievers,” in New York Magazine, April 10, 1995, 50.
98.
Ibid., 52.
99.
Jamie Lew, Asian Americans in Class: Charting the Achievement Gap Among Korean American Youth (New York: Teachers College Press, 2006), 27–32.
100.
Eun Young Kim, “Career Choices among Second Generation Korean Americans,”
Anthropology & Education Quarterly, no. 24 (3), 1993, 231.
101.
Michael Betancourt, The Aura of the Digital from CTheory.net. May 9, 2006.
102.
Techflash. Seattle’s Technology News Sourse, November 6, 2008.
103.
See http://www.fastcompany.com/100/ (Accessed on March 10, 2010).
104.
http://icanhascheezburger.com/ (Accessed on February 18, 2011).
105.
KoreAm, July 13, 2010.
106.
See director’s statement on the official site of “West 32nd” http://www.w32nd.com/.
107.
Quote from Kyeong Sik Park, Zainichichōsenjin undōshi: 8–15 kaihō-mae [The History of Japanese Korean Movement: 8–15 Before Liberation] (Tokyo: Sanichi Shobō, 1979), 72.
108.
Niklas Luhmann, Social Systems, 235.
109.
Haruko Wakita, Nihon jūyo hisabetsumin no kenkyū [The Study on Discriminated Groups in Middle Ages Japan] (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 2002). On Korean baekjeong see Joseonsidae saramdeur eun eotteoke sarasseulkka: sahoe, gyeongje, saenghwar iyagi [How People Lived in Joseon Period: Society, Economy and Daily Life] (Seoul: Cheongnyeonsa, 2005), 85–86.
110.
See Edict Abolishing Ignoble Classes (Senmin Haishirei) on October 12, 1971. According to Satoshi Uesugi abolishment of feudal classes was dictated by growing necessity of work force for Japanese capitalism. See Satoshi Uesugi, Meijiishin to senmin haishi rei [Meiji Revolution and Abolishment of Outcast Group Status] (Kaihō shuppansha, 1990).
111.
Gyong Su Mun, Zainichichōsenjin mondai no kigen [The Origin of Debate on Japanese Koreans] (Tokyo: Crane, 2007), 73.
112.
Toshihiko Matsuda, Senzen ki no zainichichōsenjin to sanseiken [Pre-War History of Japanese Koreans and Political Rights Issues] (Tokyo: Akashi Shoten, 1995), 106.
113.
Unlike non-Asian countries Sphere was a transnational organization where cultural differences are harmonized resulting in productive labor. See Yoshiaki Moriyoshi, Yamatominzoku no zenshin [Advance of Yamato People] (Tokyo: Kokusai han tomo renmei, 1942), 133, 165, 215, 251.
114.
That is why Hirofumi Ito “begins with a critical evocation of the feudal legacy of Tokugawa” with its “family and quasi-family ties permeated and formed the essence of every social organization… with such moral and religious tenets as laid undue stress on duties of fraternal aid and mutual succor.” See Andrew E. Barshay, The Social Sciences in Modern Japan: The Marxian and Modernist Traditions (Berkley, CA: University of California Press, 2004), 75.
115.
De Sun Kō, Itō Hirofumi to chōsen [Ito Hirobumi and Korea] (Tokyo: Shakai Hyōronsha, 2001), 164.
116.
Shōji Yamada, Kantōdaishinsai tokino chōsenjin gyakusatsu: sono kokka sekinin to minshū sekinin [The Massacre of Japanese Koreans after Great Kantō Earthquake: Responsibility of State and Society] (Tokyo: Sōshisha, 2003). See also Chang Cheong Kim, Zainichi korian hyakunen shi [One Hundred Years History of Japanese Koreans] (Tokyo: Sangokan, 1997), 53.
117.
Kyeong Sik Park, Nihon teikokushugi no chōsen shihai [The Japanese Imperial Rule over Korea] (Tokyo: Aokishoten, 1973), 56.
118.
Terumi Yamada, Chon Meong Park, Zainichichōsenjin: rekishi to genjō [Japanese Koreans: History and Present Time] (Tokyo: Akashi Shoten, 1991), 73.
119.
Tsugio Inaba, “Shokuminchi chōsen niokeru kō tami ka kyōiku no suishin,” [Imperial Education in Colonial Korea], Research Bulletin of Kyushu University, vol. 1, 1998, 188; According to Jin Yeong Park who in the contest of his criticism of the Japanese Tennō-system said the central message of naisen ittai was the elimination of Korean culture not only on the Korean peninsula but also among Koreans all over the world. See Jin Yeong Park, Tennōsei kokka no keisei to chōsen shokuminchi shihai [The Formation of Imperial State and Colonization of Korea] (Tokyo: Ningen no Kagakusha, 2003), 84.
120.
Yūko Kubota, Shokuminchi chōsen no nihongo kyōiku: nihongo niyoru (dōka) kyōiku no seiritsukatei [Japanese Language Education in Colonial Korea: Formation of Assimilationist Educational System] (Fukuoka: Kyūshū University Press, 2005), 61.
121.
Radio Address of the Foreign Minister, Mr. Hachiro Arita delivered on Jun 29, 1940 Tokyo gazette: a monthly report of current policies, official statements and statistics (See Tokyo Publishing House, 1940), vol. 4, 78.
122.
The full quote is “The important thing is to let each person conduct himself correctly on the basis of human nature, then to diligently pursue learning and broaden his knowledge and develop abilities appropriate to his station in life. Thus, the government will be able to rule easily and the people will accept its rule agreeably, each functioning in his proper capacity to preserve the peace of the nation. The encouragement of learning that I advocate has this sole and in view.” See Carol Gluck and Arthur E. Tiedemann, Sources of Japanese Tradition 1868 to 2000 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2006), vol. 2, part, 2, 94.
123.
Chikako Kashiwazaki, “The Politics of Legal Status: Equation of Nationality with Ethno National Identity,” Koreans in Japan: Critical Voice from Margin, edited by Sonia Ryang (London: Routledge, 2000), 17.
124.
Hei I An, Chōsen shakai no kōzō to nippon teikokushugi [The Structure of Korean Society and Japanese Imperialism] (Ryūkei Shosha, 1977), 153–215.
125.
Kō De Sun, Itō Hirofumi to Chōsen [Ito Hirofumi and Korea], 147–149.
126.
Andrew E. Barshay, The Social Sciences in Modern Japan: The Marxian and Modernist Traditions (University of California Press, 2004), 75–76.
127.
See for instance, Yasuma Takata, Tōa minzoku ron (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1939), 3, 39; The unity refers only to “pure” blood with “pure” culture as different from people with supposedly dirty blood like Koreans or burakumin. See Michiki Yoshidome, Nihonjin to chōsenjin: nihonjin no chi no nakani hisomu besshi to sabetsu [Japanese and Koreans: Discrimination and Disdain that Hides in the Blood of Japanese People] (Tokyo: Yell Books, 1972), 58, 70.
128.
It is important to say that the idea of “common” did not rest only on “race” or “blood” because as Yasuma Takata wrote that people of one blood can have different culture and thus do not form politically organized ethnic group. That is why it was crucial to create one balanced system that would cover all aspects of society in order to form nation. See Yasuma Takata, Minzokuron [Theory of People] (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1942), 7.
129.
“It is in the nature of Korean people to love Japan.” The quote is from Toshihiko Matsuda, Senzen ki no zainichichōsenjin to sanseiken [Pre-War History of Japanese Koreans and Political Rights Issues], 106.
130.
Shūko Takeshita, Kokusai kekkon no shakaigaku [Sociology of International Marriage] (Tokyo: Gakubunsha, 2000), 173.
131.
Tōkyō Asahi Shinbun, April 28, 1920.
132.
See for instance Hirotake Koyama, Nippon rōdō undō shakai undō kenkyū shi senzen sengo no bunken kai [Review of Literature on the History of Social Movement in Japan] (Mizuki Shobō, 1957), 112.
133.
There was also assumption that Koreans just pretended to be communists. See for instance Toshio Iwamura, Zainichichōsenjin to nippon rōdōsha kaikyū [Japanese Koreans and Japanese Working Class] (Tokyo: Kōkura Shobō, 1972), 52.
134.
See for instance, Kyeong Sik Park, Zainichichōsenjin undōshi: 8–15 kaihō-mae [The History of Japanese Korean Movement: 8–15 Before Liberation], 201.
135.
However, this met resistance from Japanese Koreans. For instance, in 1928 Declaration of the Tokyo Korean Student Association, they wrote, “What is left for Korean people? They give you a slave education so that they could continue colonial politics. They prohibit the learning of Korean history and Korean language,” in Kyeong Sik Park, Zainichichōsenjin undōshi: 8–15 kaihō-mae [The History of Japanese Korean Movement: 8–15 Before Liberation], 178–180; Also see Kentaro Yamabe, Nippon tōchi shitano chōsen [Korean Under Japanese Rule] (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten), 137.
136.
Also see Niklas Luhmann, Theories of Distinction: Re describing the Descriptions of Modernity, edited by William Rasch (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2002), 64.
137.
Niklas Luhmann, Risk: A Sociological Theory, translated by Rhodes Barrett (Berlin, New-York: Walter de Gruyter, 1993), 125–126.
138.
Partial argumentation was provided by Japanese intellectuals who referred to the war as the responsibility not only of Japanese officials but also society in general. For example, Maruyama Masao blamed both imperialists and communists who failed to stop the war. See Masao Maruyama, Sensōsekinin ron no mōten 1953–1957 [Debate on War Responsibility] (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 2003), vol. 6, 159–164; (See also the history of this debate in Shinichi Arai, Gendaishi niokeru sensousekinin: gendaishi shinpojiumu Aoki Shoten, 1990), 15–17, 57.
139.
Yakuza Daijiten [Encyclopedia of Japanese Mafia] (Tokyo: Futabasha, 1992), 73.
140.
Kenji Ino, Yamaguchi kumi no kenkyū: nihonsaidai no kōiki soshiki no uchimaku [Yamaguchi Clan: Insider Story on Japan’s Largest Mafia Organization] (Tokyo: Futabasha, 1982), 5.
141.
Shōbe Shioda, Nihonshakai undō jinmeijiten [Japanese Social Movement Personalities] (Tokyo: Aoki shoten, 1979), 174.
142.
Fumiko Kaneko, Watashihawatashi jishin wo iki ru [I Live My Own Life], edited by Yūko Suzuki (Tokyo: Nashinokisha, 2006), 238.
143.
Ibid., 193–194.
144.
Shōji Yamada, Kantōdaishinsai tokino chōsenjin gyakusatsu: sono kokka sekinin to minshū sekinin [The Massacre of Japanese Koreans after Great Kantō Earthquake: Responsibility of State and Society] (Tokyo: Sōshisha, 2003), 160.
145.
They supposedly were going to detonate bomb during the wedding ceremony of the Japanese Crown Prince (future Emperor Hirohito) attacks against Japanese royal family (Hideo Tanaka, Kanji Ishiwara no jidai: jidaiseishin no taigen mono tachi) [The Era of Kanji Ishiwara: People and Spirit of Time] (Tokyo: Fuyō Shobō Shuppan, 1988), 29.
146.
Court Verdict on Fumiko Kaneko and Park Yeol case on March 20, 1926.
147.
Tae Gi Kim, Sengo nippon seiji to zainichichōsenjin mondai: SCAP no tai zainichichōsenjin seisaku 1945–1952 [Post-war Japanese Politics and Japanese Koreans: SCAP Politics Towards Japanese Koreans 1945–1952] (Tokyo: Keisōshobō, 1997), 604.
148.
Chol Kang, Zainichichōsenjin shi nenpyō [Chronology of Japanese Korean History] (Tokyo: Yuzankaku, 1983), 266.
149.
Hideki Nishimura, Ōsaka de tatakatta chōsensensō: Suitahirakata jiken no seishun gunzō [Korean War in Osaka: Suitahirakata Incident of Young Activists] (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 2004), 135.
150.
Chol Kang, Zainichichōsenjin shi nenpyō [Chronology of Japanese Korean History] (Tokyo: Oyama Kaku, 1983), 266.
151.
Tsutomu Kitaba, Sengo shakaihoshō no keisei: Shakaifukushi kiso kōzō no seiritsu wo megutte [Postwar Social Welfare Formation: Looking Back to the Birth of Basic Structure of Welfare State] (Tokyo: Chūō hōki, 2000), 59–89.
152.
Kore SanadaKazuaki Miyata, Zusetsu nippon no shakaifukushi [Diagram of Japanese Welfare] (Kyoto: Hōritsu Bunkasha, 2004), 30.
153.
Niklas Luhmann, Political Theory in the Welfare State, 22.
154.
Ryōji Nakahara, Zainichi kankoku chōsenjin no shūshoku sabetsu to kokusekijōkō [Japanese Korean Employment Discrimination and Citizenship Issue] (Tokyo: Akashi Shoten, 1993), 97, 122.
155.
Jae Eon Kang, Zainichi kankoku chōsenjin no sengohoshō [The Post War Compensations for Japanese Koreans] (Tokyo: Akashi Shoten, 1991), 115–133.
156.
According to Gyeong Deug Kim compensations were and are necessary as apologies from Japanese government both towards to Japanese people and Japanese Koreans. See Gyeong-deug Kim, Zainichi korian no aidentiti to hōtekichii [Japanese Korean Identity and Legal Status] (Tokyo: Akashi Shoten, 2005), 310.
157.
See for instance, Nobutaka Tanaka, Hiroshi Tanaka, and Eimi Namita, Izoku to sengo [Aristocracy and Postwar History] (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1995), 57; Kokumin no fukushi no dōkō [Tendency of National Welfare] (Tokyo: Kōsei tōkei kyōkai, 2000), 265–268. For the victims of the atomic bombings in Hiroshima and Nagasaki (hibakusha), see Toshie Kurihara, Hibakusha tachino sengo 50 nen [Postwar Fifty Years History of Hibakusha] (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1995), 58.
158.
Association Against Ethnic Discrimination, Zainichi kankoku chōsenjin no hoshō jinken hō [Compensation Guarantees for Japanese Koreans] (Tokyo: Shinkansha, 1989), 53–59.
159.
James Joseph Orr, The Victim as Hero: Ideologies of Peace and National Identity in Postwar Japan (Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press, 2001), 1–14.
160.
It is interesting that Japanese Koreans also claimed that they had their own Korean militarists who cooperated with Japanese militarists. See Kaihō Shinbun, October 10, 1948.
161.
Kyeong Sik Park, Zainichichōsenjin undōshi: 8–15 kaihō-mae [The History of Japanese Korean Movement: 8–15 Before Liberation], 63–64, 80–81.
162.
This movie is important for Japanese Korean ethnicity because even today third-generation Japanese Koreans use this very movie for educational purposes both for Japanese and other Japanese Koreans.
163.
Ryōji Nakahara, Zainichi kankoku chōsenjin no shūshoku sabetsu to kokusekijōkō [Japanese Korean Employment Discrimination and Citizenship Issue] (Tokyo: Akashi Shoten, 1993), 97–122.
164.
See the discussion on pensions for Japanese Koreans in Reiko Shōya and Tōru Nakayama Kōrei zainichi kankoku chōsenjin ōsaka niokeru (zainichi) no rekishi to seikatsukiban, kōrei fukushi no kadai [History and Living Conditions of Senior Japanese Koreans in Osaka: Debate on Social Welfare for Senior Citizens] (Tokyo: Ochanomizu shobō, 1997), 358–412.
165.
See details in Fumiko Kawada, Sensō to sei: Kindai kōshō seido ianjo seido wo megutte [War and Gender: Formation of State Supported System of Comfort Women] (Tokyo: Akashi Shoten, 1995), 73; also see the documentary movie, Ore no kokoro ha maketenai: Zainichi chōsenjin (ianfu) sō shintō notatakai [My Heart Will Not Fail: Japanese Korean Comfort Women and Struggle of Shindo Son] (2007).
166.
See for instance “Why does Nissan want to destroy our homes?”, New York Times, March 1, 1993.
167.
The house where he lived has been completely destroyed by the betrayed Utoro dwellers. Moreover, they painted this house with numerous words that expressed their hatred and all of them were in the Japanese language. The phrase that sums up their messages is shine! which means “DIE!” also written in Japanese.
168.
See the Forced Deportation of Japanese Koreans Research Group, Kyōseirenkō sareta chōsenjin no shōgen [Testimony of Forcedly Deported Japanese Koreans] (Tokyo: Akashi Shoten, 1990), 34.
169.
Utoro okizari nisareta machi [Utoro: Betrayed Village] (Kyoto: Kamogawa Shuppan, 1997), 32–33.
170.
Ibid.
171.
Economic exclusion of Japanese Korean is also proof of on-going Japanese imperialism. See Yeon I Ko, Minzoku dearukoto daisan sekai toshite zainichichōsenjin [Being an Ethnic Group: Japanese Koreans as Third World People] (1998), 9–58.
172.
Mainichi Shinbun, November 11, 2000.
173.
As the vice-president of Utoro village, Meong Om Bu said that, today this problem cannot be resolved without assistance of the South Korean government. It is important to reach consensus on how the two countries [South Korean and Japan] understand history of their relations. Japanese politicians are reluctant to do that. See Asahi Shimbun, September 5, 2005.
174.
http://lfa-kyoto.org/.
175.
Asahi Shinbun, April 24, 2005.
176.
TongIl News April 13, 2005.
177.
As then Korean Foreign Minister Ban Ki Moon said in 2005, it was impossible to give them money, as it would be unfair to other Koreans living in Japan who are not entitled to government subsidies.” See Korea Times, July 27, 2007.
178.
Yomiuri Shinbun, February 27, 2011.
179.
Yonhap News, February 2, 2011.
180.
Kyōto Shinbun, February 27, 2011.
181.
http://www.hani.co.kr/arti/culture/culture_general/708497.html (Accessed on September 11, 2015).
182.
The negative moral reaction already existed from the first years of the post-war period. Unlike the pre-war idea of extending assistance to the Korean people because of their “weakness,” as Ito Hirobumi specified, after World War II, the image of Korean residents shifted from “weak” to “dangerous.” Numerous incidents with yakuza like murders, gambling, drug trafficking, prostitution where Japanese Koreans were involved and later their connections with North Korea were representative examples of this danger. These were necessary to justify the exclusion Koreans from Japanese society. These images referred to the incompatibility and impossibility of co-existence between Japanese and Korean cultures in Japanese society because of pathological character of the latter. Almost all conflict situations between Koreans and Japanese were described by Japanese mass media as “incidents” (jiken) that refers to deviant situations and the source of these social pathologies were Japanese Koreans. For instance, the most famous incident was above mentioned “Kwon Hyi Ro Incident” on February 20, 1968 which the Japanese mass media described as “Devil with rifle” (raifuru ma). Another example is the depiction of Korean culture in Akira Kurosawa’s 1963 movie High and Low (Tengoku to Jigoku) in which the most corrupted place in Yokohama called Kogane-cho was decorated with sings written in Korean language.
183.
See the official website at www.zaitokukai.info.
184.
ameblo.jp/doronpa01.
185.
http://www.zaitokukai.info. Accessed 20 February 2010.
186.
Sakurai Makoto referred to Decision of High Court on February 14, 2000 not longer complaints which meant confirmation of resolution of Kyoto Court made on January 30, 1998.
187.
Kyōdō Tsūshinsha December 18, 2009.
188.
Nishimura declared this speech several times before his supporters who participated in the demonstrations on December 25, 2007 and March 7, 2008 before the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
189.
This number is true according to the Shinyūsha Co. Ltd. press release that published the entire series of the Kenkanryū. See Sharin Yamano, Manga kenkanryū 4 [Hating Korea Manga] (Tokyo: Shinyūsha, 2009), cover page.
190.
In the midst of the 2000s there were several publications that manipulated anti-Korean sentiments. See for instance, Kankokujin nitsukeru kusuri: Kankoku jikakushōjō nashino urinaraizumu no byōri [Medicine for Korean People: Korean Nationalism without Disguise] (Tokyo: Ōkura Shuppan, 2005), 135–152, 240–262.
191.
Sharin Yamano, Manga kenkanryū [Hating Korea Manga], 33.
192.
Sharin Yamano, Manga kenkanryū 4 [Hating Korea Manga], 135–170.
193.
Kazuma Arai, Zainichi korian za sado [Japanese Korean the Third] (Tokyo: Ōkura Shuppan, 2006), 38.
194.
Ibid., 181–186.
195.
O Sonfa, Umi no kanata no kuni e nippon o mezasu kankoku. saishū tō no onna tachi [Women of Korea, Jeju Island Who Cross the Sea to Come to Japan] (Tokyo: PHP Kenkyujyo, 2002).
196.
Chon Yon Hae, “Tamigayo seishō”: aidentiti, kokumin kokka, jendā [People’s Reign: identity nation-state gender] (Tokyo: Iwanami Shōten, 2003), 21.
197.
Kim Il Sung jeojakjib [Kim Il Sung’s Collection of Works], vol. 21 (Pyongyang: Joseon Nodongdang Chulpansa, 1990), 160.
198.
Apichai Wongsod Shipper, Fighting for Foreigners: Immigration and Its Impact on Japanese Democracy (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008), 73.
199.
Jeong Nam Cho, Ho Yol Yu and Man Kil Han, Bukhan ui jaeoe dongpo jeongchaeg [North Korean Politics to Overseas Koreans] (Seoul: Jipmoon, 2002), 28.
200.
In the case of Japan, the most famous symbol of Korean aggression towards Japanese society is a Japanese girl named Megumi Yokoda who was kidnapped and taken to North Korea. There are a number of movies, mangas, and books about her. See Megumi: hikisaka reta kazoku no 30 nen [Megumi: 30 Years of a Broken Family] (2006).
201.
“Compatriots, you may think that it is an accident that I speak to you in Japanese. I am sure that you think it is strange. But can you understand how hard it is for me that I standing on this tribune can speak only Japanese. I will do everything to learn and speak fluently the language of our motherland, the Korean language. And it is very painful to realize that I cannot do that. I was very happy when learnt about national liberation that will make Korean a country that nobody can oppress. However, there is one more thing, is that I was merely half-Japanese. After 2 years of liberation I feel very lonely and abandoned. There are a lot of us half-Japanese in this country who cannot speak our native Korean language. After these words she stood up and cried.” A quote from Deog Ryong Kim, Chōsen gakkō no sengoshi: 1945–1972 [Postwar History of Japanese Korean School: 1945–1972] (Tokyo: Shakai Hyōronsha, 2002), 16–17.
202.
Deog Ryong Kim, Chōsen gakkō no sengoshi 1945–1972 [The Post War History of Korean Schools 1945–1972], 103; Kyu Sang O, Dokyumento zainippon chōsenjin renmei [The Documentary History of League of Koreans in Japan] (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 2009), 141.
203.
Asahi Shinbun, June 16, 1994.
204.
Zainichi no ima: Kyōto hatsu [Japanese Koreans Today: A Case of Kyoto] (Kyoto: Zenchōkyōkyōto, 1994), 12–16, 28.
205.
This information is provided by the official blog for the movie at http://urihakkyo.blog105.fc2.com/.
206.
Gugeo [National Language] (Tokyo: Chongryon, 2003), 53–56.
207.
Ibid., 15–24.
208.
Zainichi chōsenjin rekishi ningen shūkan [Journal on History and Rights of Japanese Koreans] April 16–August 9, 2008. This issue is devoted to the Eighty-Fifth anniversary of the Tokyo Earthquake and the Sixtieth anniversary of the Hanshin Incident. This volume contains mostly artistic representations of those events in the form of manga with reference to the Talorum troop.
209.
For a detailed demographic analysis of the popularity of Korean dramas in Japan, see Hyan Chin Yi, Kanryū no shakaigaku: fandamu, kazoku, ibunka kōryū [Sociology of Korean Wave: Fandom, Family and Intercultural Communication], translated by Yukiko Shimizu (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 2008), 15.
210.
See the public lecture of Slavoj Zizek, Fear Thy Neighbor as Thyself, presented in Institute of Human Sciences of Boston University in 2007.
211.
Description of the Japanese Korean female as moral authority is a part of a larger trend in the modern Japanese female literature. Two young female writers like Risa Wataya and Hitomi Kanehara who in 2004 together received the prestigious Akutagawa Award for their novels, Keritai senaka [The Back that I Want to Kick] (2003) and Hebi ni piasu [Snakes and Earrings] (2004) are two famous examples. Both writers describe the world of extremes proximity with man and at the same time try to regulate it. Risa Wataya takes up the analogy of a mother’s womb and uses it to represent a little room where a young girl and boy spend almost all the time. The boy is pathologically obsessed with one female model. At the end of the novel she puts her foot on his back as simultaneously symbolic of his expulsion from paradise and incorporation back in her world under her control. The same mechanisms is at work in Snakes and Earrings by Hitomi Kanehara when a female makes two pathological males (after one kills another in violent sex play) into her lovers and then makes them a part of her body through tattoos and piercing. The slogan of the movie is “Let the pain become my body.” …the impersonal physical pain that she controls.”.
212.
Miri Yu, On Ea [On Air] (Tokyo: Kōdansha, 2009), vol. 2, 33.
213.
Niklas Luhmann, Trust and Power: Two Works (Chichester: Wiley, 1979), 81.
214.
For the history of Hanhaktong, see Yu Hwan Yi, Nihon no nakano sanjū hachi do sen: mindan chōsōren rekishi to genjitsu [38th Parallel in Japan: History and Reality] (Tokyo: Yoyosha, 1980), 38 and Yu Hwan Yi, Nikkankokujin 60 man mindan chōren no bunretsu shi to dōkō [6 million of Japanese Koreans and History of Split between Mindan and Chongryon] (Tokyo: Yoyosha, 1977), 151–155.

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Institute of International Relations, Kazan Federal University, Kazan, Tatarstan Republic, Russia
Oleg Pakhomov

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Pakhomov, O. (2017). Korean Diaspora and Capitalist Modernization in the United States and Japan. In: Self-Referentiality of Cognition and (De)Formation of Ethnic Boundaries . Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-5505-8_4

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