Abstract
Dominant discourses on Muslim women have revolved around their marginal locations in community as well as in society. It has mainly been subjected to socio-economic and political structures and conditions as well. However, it is worth mentioning that marginality not only is a lived experience but it has also metaphoric dimensions. The state of marginality not only relates to the poor socio-economic status of Muslim women but also the politics of representation of their identities such as ‘veiled’, ‘passive’ and ‘meek victims’ in various discourses. It also constructs the core of their marginal location in the larger society. Therefore, the marginalization of Muslim women seems to be visible in various discourses in India. In nutshell, the paper will make an attempt to comprehend the undercurrents functioning behind the construction of the very concept of marginality, and locate Muslim women in popular and academic discourses on marginality.
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Notes
- 1.
Muslim women in India should not be considered as a homogenous entity. Differences in their experiences are shaped by their location in class, region and family as well. Educational attainment and employment opportunities or lack of it are also important indicators to shape their experiences. Therefore, the issue of heterogeneity needs to be mentioned. However, for the theoretical requirement, I am addressing the equality question of Muslim women by considering them as a category.
- 2.
The category of discourse refers to historically specific systems of meaning which form the identities of subjects and objects. Meanings are always dependent upon a socially constructed system of rules and significant differences. The concept of discourse has also been extended to a wider range of social practices and phenomena. Foucault has discussed about the ways discursive practices form the objects and subjects of discursive formations. Discourses are thus practices, which systematically form the objects, which we speak. It also raises questions about the historical construction of systems and the exclusion of human subjectivity and agency from the social world (Howarth 2002: 20–22).
- 3.
A metaphor is a figure of speech that describes a subject by asserting that it is, on some point of comparison, the same as another otherwise unrelated object. Metaphor is a type of analogy and is closely related to other rhetorical figures of speech that achieve their effects via association, comparison or resemblance.
- 4.
Hijab and burqa are two different kinds of clothing that are available to Islamic women. A hijab or burqa actually refers to the rules of covering up. However, in the usual everyday context, the word is used to refer to a scarf, which covers the head. A burqa, on the other hand, is a loose outer garment that covers the whole body head-to-toe (Engineer 2013: 173).
- 5.
Dominant discourses also include discourse analysis. It incorporates a wide range of linguistic and non-linguistic material-speeches, reports, manifestos, historical events, interviews, policies, ideas, even organisations and institutions—as ‘texts’ or ‘writings’ that enable the subjects to experience the world of objects, words, and practices.
- 6.
Discourse can be defined as entity, which is composed of sequences, signs and relations among objects, subjects and statements. It is the generation of the concept of the conversation within all modalities and contexts. It signifies the totality of codified language used in a given field of intellectual enquiry and of social practice. Therefore, discursive production means the production and prevalence of a particular knowledge by the dominant groups in society (Howarth 2002: 20–25).
- 7.
Iddat has been defined as the waiting period for a widow or divorced. In Sharia terminology, it is the waiting period for a woman when her Nikah (marriage) with a man is no more extant for one reason or the other, the waiting period means that after the cessation of Nikkah (marriage), the woman has to restrain herself for another Nikah (marriage) till the prescribed period is over (Engineer 1991: 9–10).
- 8.
According to Sharia Act (1937), Muslim women cannot demand lifelong maintenance after talaq. It is generally supported on the ground of minority community identity, religion and culture. In 1986, when Shah Bano went to the Supreme Court for demanding her lifelong maintenance, it gave rise to a clash between the collective rights of the community and individual rights and identity. The Supreme Court gave its verdict in favour of Shah Bano. However, Muslim fundamentalists protested this move vehemently on the ground that any change in Sharia Act by the state is against the identity of Muslim community. So the Shah Bano case (1986) shows that women’s claim to equal rights is treated as a betrayal to community, the culture and the religion. In addition, the Indian state very consciously institutionalises gender inequality in personal laws on the ground of minority identity and culture (Hasan 2000: 265–269).
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Sur, E. (2018). The Marginal Locations of Muslim Women on Various Sites in India. In: Bhattacharyya, A., Basu, S. (eds) Marginalities in India. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-5215-6_11
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