Abstract
Oppression is defined as a limitation of freedom by the coercive power of those who are in a superior position. Central to this analysis is the idea that the oppression of women is multidimensional and has a triple source: gender, race, and class (see Brittan and Maynard 1984). Often oppression is presented as a consequence of such abstract phenomena as “the capitalist mode of production” or “the state.” Yet personal experiences in everyday life are just as important as social, political, and economic processes at institutionalized levels. It cannot be claimed that economic exploitation, and thus class, does not affect the lives of women; I can only be disputed that it is possible to give one of the three sources of oppression priority over the others. Gender, race, and class all interact, without there being primary or secondary causes which explain women’s subordination. The oppression of the women discussed here cannot be divorced from their oppression as indentureds or from their oppression as a racial minority.
My tenure as a visiting fellow at the Center for Latin American Studies and Documentation in Amsterdam made possible the writing of this chapter. Research was also funded by the A. Curtis Wilgus Fellowship Fund, de Stichting Noorthey, and the H. Muller Vaderlandsch Funds. I want to thank Marijke Zewuster, Jane Landers, David Slater, and Jean Carrière for their comments and suggestions. I am especially grateful to Gert Oostindie and Alex van Stipriaan for their careful reading of earlier drafts.
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- 1.
Notes referring to documents from the Marienburg files at the Surinaams Museum (SSM) first give the number of the file, followed by the date (day, month, year).
- 2.
SSM 32, 14-12-1937 and SSM 27 Toelichting arbeidersadministratie 1919–1934. Such workers were factory laborers who worked more than twelve hours a day, and drivers. In the majority of cases these couples were not recruited as man and wife, but had met each other in the depots, aboard ship, or at the plantation.
- 3.
The governor originally wanted a 100% wage increase to fl. 1.25. SSM 16, 12-5-1920 and 8-9-1920; ARA, NHM, CC 1151-9186, 1920; SSM 16, 1-1-1922 and 5-1-1922, 758.
- 4.
Data calculated from SSM 23: Door nieuwe immigranten tegoed gemaakte loonen in de maand October 1928 volgens door enkele plantages ingediende loonlijsten in het Commewijne District. Getekend de wd. Agent-Generaal, J. Boonacker.
- 5.
These estimates were subjective, of course. Compare the different estimates for the weekly needs of one Javanese laborer: the Agent General came to fl. 3.57, while the director of the Surinaamsche Bank thought that fl. 2.40 per week would be sufficient. SSM 23, wd. Agent-Generaal Boonacker aan Gouverneur Rutgers 22-2-1929.
- 6.
SSM 5 Brief aan Gouverneur van Suriname, no date, probably July/August 1897. The women, while found guilty, were not punished.
- 7.
Regrettably, Tinker gives no source for this information.
- 8.
It is, of course, impossible to distinguish sharply between “work” and “unpaid” labor. Work is traditionally defined as wage-earning, which ignores unpaid activities performed by women which are clearly economic in nature.
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Hoefte, R. (2018). Female Indentured Labor in Suriname: For Better or for Worse?. In: Misir, P. (eds) The Subaltern Indian Woman. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-5166-1_4
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