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Men’s Unpaid Domestic Work: A Critique of (Re)Doing Gender in Contemporary Japan

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Family, Work and Wellbeing in Asia

Part of the book series: Quality of Life in Asia ((QLAS,volume 9))

Abstract

This chapter examines Japanese men’s involvement in unpaid domestic work in relation to paid (public) work, family and wellbeing, bringing gender into scope. It analyses the government-initiated fatherhood campaign ‘Ikumen Project’ and a relatively newly emerged gender figure of what is referred to as ‘iku-men’ (‘men who engage actively in child rearing’). The Ikumen Project, where the trope of the iku-men serves as the project’s grand concept, offers a useful site that allows us to examine the intersections between the ‘old’ and ‘new’ paradigms of work-family models in contemporary Japan. This chapter suggests that the government utilises the particular ‘family-friendly’ (‘famirī furendorī’) campaign as a public arena for meaning-making, through which to disseminate positive images of men’s child rearing, encourage men’s unpaid domestic work and women’s paid employment, increase the birth rate and ultimately improve the economy. Based on Candace West and Don Zimmerman’s theory of ‘doing gender’, this chapter argues that the Ikumen Project still relies on the ‘old’ paradigm of a work-family model predicated on the male breadwinning model and thus can ‘redo’ gender, while legitimising Japanese men’s active involvement in unpaid domestic work and family life as a ‘new’ norm.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The ie system was established by the Meiji government in 1898.

  2. 2.

    Salarymen’s employment security includes ‘lifetime employment, seniority-based wages, regular promotions, health insurance, and other perks, such as housing subsidies and low-interest loans’ (Charlebois 2012).

  3. 3.

    According to the 2014 OECD survey, women in Japan spent 225 min a day on average on unpaid domestic work.

  4. 4.

    By some measures, Japanese people are working less than they used to. The OECD statistics (2015b) show that average annual hours worked per worker in Japan declined from 2,106 h in 1981 to 1,719 h in 2015. Japanese workers also spent less at work than workers in other Asian countries, such as Korea (2,124 h in 2014), as well as workers in the US (1,789 h in 2014) and the OECD average (1,770 h in 2014) (ibid; Tsai et al. 2016). These figures, however, include part-timers, who are estimated to work roughly half of the hours of regular employees. Notably, Japan’s ratio of part-time workers has significantly increased from 15% in 1990 to 30%. Full-time employees worked an average of 2,021 h per year in 2014, roughly unchanged over the last decade. Full-time workers spent 173 h on average in overtime in 2014, which is 36 h more than two decades ago and is the highest figure since 1993, according to the MHLW (2015b). In this sense, it is notable that many Japanese men consider that a lack of ‘time availability’ is the main reason for limiting their participation in unpaid domestic work (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Cabinet Office 2015).

  5. 5.

    The system divides job applicants into ‘sōgō shoku’ (a managerial ‘career track’) and ‘ippan shoku’ (a clerical ‘non-career track’), assigning a disproportionate number of men to the former position (Benson et al. 2007).

  6. 6.

    Currently, the head of a household (usually the husband) is eligible for a spousal income tax deduction (i.e. 380,000 yen, which is about 3,700 US dollars as of the 30th of July, 2016) if their spouse (usually the wife) earns less than or equal to 1.41 million yen a year (about 12,700 US dollars as of the 30th of July, 2016). Moreover, if the spouse earns less than or equal to 1.03 million yen (about 10,000 US dollars as of the 30th of July, 2016) they also can obtain the national pension and are not required to pay premiums. This system has been much criticised as a disincentive for married women to engage more actively in the workforce (Abe 2009).

  7. 7.

    All the fathers’ comments were translated into English by the author.

  8. 8.

    The amount of time that Japanese men spent on unpaid domestic work including child care is about half an hour per day, significantly below the OECD average (OECD 2014) and only 2.3% of eligible Japanese fathers took parental leave in 2015 (MHLW 2015b).

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Hamada, I. (2017). Men’s Unpaid Domestic Work: A Critique of (Re)Doing Gender in Contemporary Japan. In: Tsai, MC., Chen, Wc. (eds) Family, Work and Wellbeing in Asia. Quality of Life in Asia, vol 9. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-4313-0_9

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