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The Cyclical Interaction of Institutional Constraints to Formal Affordable Housing Market in Raipur, India

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Land Policies in India

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Abstract

The institutions that regulate the provision of housing in India enable and constrain the affordable housing market in many ways. These constraints are varied, interrelated and binded in varying degrees as indicated by the case study of Raipur. This chapter provides evidence about such constraints and how they interact with each other resulting in existing institutional arrangements. Because these institutions are connected to each other in complex ways, it is both difficult and inappropriate to isolate the institutions. Focus on individual key constraints as being critical should, therefore, not undermine the importance of the interaction between the institutional constraints.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Even if not of the same magnitude or nature, relating specifically to people on low incomes gaining access to adequate housing.

  2. 2.

    High income group (HIG) and mid income group (MIG).

  3. 3.

    The Economically weaker sections (EWS) and low income group (LIG) as defined by the government of India are herein referred to as the urban poor.

  4. 4.

    Assocham Excellence Award 2014 for its Special Contribution to Low Cost housing, HUDCO award for its remarkable work in fields of environmental management and energy efficiency through green building concept, EPC World Award 2012 for Affordable Housing, HUDCO Award for Best Practices to improve the Living Environment 2011–12.

  5. 5.

    Housing Affordability has to be always measured on a sliding scale as two families with the same income but with different family size might not have the same affordability.

  6. 6.

    1USD = Rs. 55.

  7. 7.

    North here was responding to Demsetz, who posited that institutions evolve so as to produce conditions for steadily increasing economic efficiency. North disagreeing with Demsetz, clarifies that vested interests can prevent movements towards greater economic efficiency.

  8. 8.

    There might be considerable dissent among the members of the society.

  9. 9.

    See Pellissery et al. (2016), for a study on how rent-seeking interests engineered through the nexus of politician-realtor class have legitimised evasion of rules as the norm and driven regulatory changes with regards to planning laws in Bangalore.

  10. 10.

    Based on the ancient Roman property law principles (usus, fructus, and abusus).

  11. 11.

    However, “if private property rights are not viewed as being legitimate or are not enforced adequately, de jure private property becomes de facto open access” (Feder and Feeny 1995).

  12. 12.

    It will begin with several transactions being perceived as ‘too costly’ that do not take place. Over the years, the system will either revamp itself, or result in a system failure.

  13. 13.

    The biggest reported constraint being non-availability of affordable housing.

  14. 14.

    Simple interest of 60% per annum.

  15. 15.

    For more details on the supply constraints to affordable housing market in Raipur, refer Ram and Needham (2016).

  16. 16.

    For details of how the informal land and housing market works in Raipur refer Ram and Needham (2016a).

  17. 17.

    While there is a requirement for builders to meet a certain standard, the monitoring and enforcement of such standards is often times lacking.

  18. 18.

    Even when the planning permission is granted for the entire project, the building permission is given in stages. For example: the building has 6 floors planned, the layout is approved fees charged for all 6 floors, with the permission to construct 2 or 3 floors. After the construction of 3 floors, a fresh application has to be put into seek permission for building the remaining floors.

  19. 19.

    183 out of 211 respondents.

  20. 20.

    7/30 builders (23.3%).

  21. 21.

    11/30 builders (36.6%).

  22. 22.

    165 out of 211 households.

  23. 23.

    The CMS study (2012), found that three out of every four slum dwellers claimed they were asked to pay a bribe to receive at least one of the following three public services: distribution of food rations or free kerosene; healthcare; and municipal services such as public sanitation and waste removal in the 12 months prior to the survey. About 35% of slum dwellers reported that they have been denied services at least once because they could not pay a bribe.

  24. 24.

    Average for the cities sampled by the study.

  25. 25.

    Does not include the time taken; time taken was separately calculated as number of days.

  26. 26.

    The stamp-duty varies from 12.5% of the property value (Kochi) to as low as 3% (New Delhi). It is 4.8% in Mexico.

  27. 27.

    A non-performing loan is a loan that is in default or close to being in default. Many loans become non-performing after being in default for 90 days, but this can depend on the contract terms.

  28. 28.

    Sengupta and Tipple (2007) have documented a similar story of the public housing agencies in Kolkata which seem to be operating on market principles; even where they are not involved with private partners, the public housing agencies are in the market to make profits (even if they don’t call it profits), like any other real estate developers, rather than building for low-income people.

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Ram, P. (2017). The Cyclical Interaction of Institutional Constraints to Formal Affordable Housing Market in Raipur, India. In: Pellissery, S., Davy, B., Jacobs, H. (eds) Land Policies in India. India Studies in Business and Economics. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-4208-9_8

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