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De-escalation—A Cultural-Linguistic View on Military English and Military Conflicts

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Advances in Cultural Linguistics

Part of the book series: Cultural Linguistics ((CL))

Abstract

The domain of military conflicts and operations has hitherto not been discussed from an explicitly cultural-linguistic perspective. Linguistically, this domain has primarily been the purview of Military English, as English is one of the two working languages of NATO (the other one being French) and the main lingua franca of multinational military operations and peacekeeping missions. Military English, arguably, has been mainly concerned with linguistic standards, as part of NATO Standardization (STANAG) and intelligibility problems due to different varieties and accents. Nevertheless, works on Military English also notice the importance of culture, but respective studies are functional in scope and based on a few behavioural categories and traits, partly leaning on Hofstede’s findings on national cultures. As of now, these studies do not contribute much “to better understand different world cultures and societies”. Besides, the problem of culture seems to be treated separately from the problem of English as a lingua franca, a hiatus that exists in the academic field of English as a lingua franca as well. Thus, a secondary aim of this chapter is to bridge the gap between the focus on culture and English as a lingua franca in the framework of Military English. The main purpose, however, is to introduce Cultural Linguistics as a viable approach to facilitate intercultural understanding—as a prerequisite for de-escalation—(not only) in military contexts. The analysis of three examples will serve as an illustration.

The term ‘de-escalation’ is used here in the general sense of lessening the intensity of military conflicts or interrupting their further development.

This chapter is partly based on the plenary lecture “Military English – a World Englishes perspective”, held at the English for Uniformed Forces conference, Indonesian National Defense Forces Peacekeeping Center, Bogor, Indonesia, June 26–28, 2013 and the keynote lecture “English as a lingua franca – a critical appraisal and a quest for a wider framework”, held at the Challenges 6 conference, Jan Evangelista Purkyně University, Ústí nad Labem, Czech Republic, March 12–13, 2015.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Armed conflicts are often considered in the wider context of (organised) violence, which involves various parameters (see, e.g. Cooper et al. 2011, and also Pinker and Mack 2014). Depending on the quantitative measures one applies (e.g. types of fatalities, types of violence; see Cooper et al. 2011), the recorded number of conflicts may differ.

  2. 2.

    On the use of the terms intercultural and cross-cultural (communication), see Wolf (2015: 445).

  3. 3.

    For Aviation English, the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO), a United Nations agency, has set standards of proficiency and administers respective training and tests (see ICAO, n.d.). For a recent discussion of Aviation English, see Hansen-Schirra and Maksymski (2013).

  4. 4.

    A cursory search for various randomly selected items listed in Bowyer (2004), such as adamsite, ‘a vomiting agent’, yielded zero occurrences in the Corpus of Contemporary American English (Davis 2015) and the British National Corpus (BNC 2015).

  5. 5.

    Also see Firth (2009) for a critique of the (implicit) assumption of ELF as an identifiable variety of English and building a pedagogy on this assumption.

  6. 6.

    For a broader view on the topic of teaching EIL or ELF, the reader may refer to three recent collective volumes (Bayyurt and Akcan 2015; Marlina and Giri 2014; Matsuda 2012).

  7. 7.

    As Jenkins (2000: 1) claims, pronunciation is the “linguistic area that most threatens intelligibility”; this claim is debatable, if ‘intelligibility’ includes conceptual understanding. Arguably, misunderstandings due to different cultural models and cultural conceptualisations are more fundamental and far-reaching than immediate phonetic unintelligibility (cf. Wolf and Polzenhagen 2006).

  8. 8.

    As to the pragmatic level, if pragmatics is understood as the study of language in context, then pragmatic realisations rest on cultural conceptualisations to the same extent as context is a cultural variable. The study of pragmatics from a CL perspective is still in its infancy; for a first overview see Sharifian (2015b).

  9. 9.

    Nevertheless, one needs to mention House (2010: 367–8), who tentatively refers to an “interculture” setup in ELF interactions. Drawing on Homi Bhabha and Mikhail Bakhtin, she (2010: 382–3) makes the point for an “intercultural” or “hybrid” style of ELF user, “where different mental lexica, or in a Whorfian way, different underlying Weltanschauungen may be operative in ELF-speakers’ minds” (House 2010: 383). The idea of Weltanschauungen (‘worldviews’), of course, closely corresponds to the notions of ‘cultural model’ or ‘cultural conceptualisation’, in CL. To what extent the conceptualisations are hybrid or formed on the spot is a matter of empirical investigation (see Wolf 2015; Finzel and Wolf, in preparation).

  10. 10.

    Essens and van Loon (2008: Kn 1–7) claim that “during the Kosovo mission, the distance between junior soldiers from Germany and certainly from Turkey and their leadership was clearly much greater than in the Dutch unit”.

  11. 11.

    Hofstede’s sixth cultural dimension, indulgence, was added later (see Hofstede, n.d.).

  12. 12.

    This is not to say that Hofstede’s framework cannot be consoled with a CL perspective. It would seem that the dimensions he has identified are closely tied to underlying cultural models; for example, the individualism–collectivism dimension could be related to the African community model (see Wolf and Polzenhagen 2009) or to the social/occupational units are families conceptualisations for the Chinese culture (see Polzenhagen and Wolf 2010). It would be theoretically worthwhile to pursue the connection between Hofstede’s dimensions and cultural models/cultural conceptualisations further.

  13. 13.

    The lemma “effective” is a keyword in Febbraro et al. volume, with dozens of occurrences in each article. On the ideological background and the semantics of “effective” in pragmatics and communication studies, see Wolf (2015: 447–8).

  14. 14.

    Slingerland et al.’s (2007) findings are congruent with Wolf and Polzenhagen’s claims regarding the importance of family and family conceptualisations in Chinese culture (see Wolf and Polzenhagen 2006; Polzenhagen and Wolf 2010).

  15. 15.

    See, e.g. the module “Military English” of the Language Center of the Helmut Schmidt University, University of the Federal Armed Forces Hamburg (2015); the English Language Programs Department of the George C. Marshall European Center for Security Studies (2016), and “English for peacekeeping forces” by the British Council (n.d.).

  16. 16.

    Within the constraints of this chapter, the respective cultural scripts chiselled out by Krijtenburg and de Volder cannot be quoted here. Krijtenburg and de Volder’s (2015: 197) approach is an ethnolexicological one that “takes salient (i.e., socially meaningful) lexical terms as its starting point for an enquiry into the cultural values that might underpin them”. This approach applies Wierzbicka’s notion of ‘natural semantic metalanguage’ and has been most prominently developed by Wierzbicka and Goddard (see, e.g. Peeters 2015 for an introduction). See Wolf and Polzenhagen (2009: 35–39) for a theoretical positioning of this approach to Cultural Linguistics and cognate fields.

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Wolf, HG. (2017). De-escalation—A Cultural-Linguistic View on Military English and Military Conflicts. In: Sharifian, F. (eds) Advances in Cultural Linguistics. Cultural Linguistics. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-4056-6_30

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