Abstract
This chapter seeks to contribute to the current scholarly conversation among economists about “market quality” by examining the concept in a historical case study of cultural transformation . The vehicles of analysis are product imitation and trademark counterfeiting, problems which occurred frequently in early twentieth century Asian markets of modern small sundry goods . Reframing this essentially “economic” question as a historical formulation opens our eyes to its heretofore under-recognized dimensions: the normative drivers of economic expansion, such as technological transfer and innovation , have often accompanied their deviant variants in the form of counterfeiting and lower-quality imitation . The manufacturing of such “new products” and the emergence of markets for low-end shoddy merchandise , however, often lead to the original products’ wider dissemination and greater acceptance by consumers , with the effect of pervasive and deep-seated cultural transformation . Imitations of Western sundry consumer goods made in modern Japan were exported in large volumes to China and became a marker and driver of new ways of life and modes of thinking, especially in the coastal cities. The chapter examines the problems of Japanese small business manufacturers’ product imitation and trademark counterfeiting by using Japanese Foreign Ministry Records and various contemporary market surveys conducted in Hong Kong, Guangzhou and Shanghai , and explores the economic realities and cultural topographies of East Asia in the early twentieth century.
Translated by Sayuri Guthrie Shimizu.
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Notes
- 1.
“Acculturation” refers to a change that occurs in one or both of the cultures when they come into contact (Hirano 2000, p. 212).
- 2.
For the multi-layeredness of markets in Asia, see relevant sections of the author’s analysis of Osaka and its linkages with the Korean market in the early twentieth century (Furuta 2007).
- 3.
Culture Historian Shunya Yoshimi has defined the enterprise of world exhibitions as “an outgrowth of European attempts to enact their taxonomical gaze as a new ideological mechanism of capitalism.” His interdisciplinary exegesis of world fairs and the politics of culture call for understanding imperialism, consumerism, and mass entertainment as a composite whole (Yoshimi 1992, pp. 263–264).
- 4.
For the problem of imitation Panama hats for exports to Europe and North America and their production in Taiwan and Okinawa, see Yomoda (2003, pp. 51–70).
- 5.
Social Historian Masazumi Nakajima has offered an imaginative study of China’s modern education as seen through the material life of students enrolled in schools. His study includes several illuminating findings. For example, every student enrolled in primary schools in the rural regions of the Yangtze River Delta were supplied with his/her own chalkboard. Students did not use pencils for note-taking in the classroom; pencils were used only for penmanship training. China’s import of pencils peaked during World War I and the war-induced shortage of German-made pencils was filled by cut-rate pencils made in Japan (Nakajima 2001).
- 6.
A number of schools were established in Jiangsu Province after the abolition of the imperial civil service examination system in 1905. By 1909, 16 specialized schools (enrolling 1701 students), 21 vocational schools (an enrollment of 1512), 24 teacher training schools (2493 students enrolled), 31 middle schools (3155 students), 1886 primary schools (enrolling 65 thousand 831 children), and 34 half-day schools (987 students), 116 all-girls schools (5139 enrolled) had been opened (Wang 1984, pp. 241–243). For changes in the enrollment figures for primary, middle high schools across China and the size of the teaching and support staff, see Takada (2009, p. 139), Satō (2007, pp. 68–75), Ōsawa (2010, pp. 55–85).
In Shanghai’s urban areas, demands for the imported printing press were rapidly expanding against the backdrop of a boom in the printing business induced by the beginning of the public school system. As for Japanese exports’ immediate prospects for riding the crest of this printing boom in Shanghai, Miyazaki cautioned against an excessive optimism on the grounds that “only printing presses manufactured in Osaka were competitive at the moment.” As for long-term prospects, however, Miyazaki anticipated an opening of sales networks into the interiors extending far beyond the metropolitan areas. His advice to exporters of the Japanese printing presses was that they should ready themselves for inland shipping to serve the interior by, for example, improving their packing methods so that shipments might withstand the wear and tear of rough-surface transport routes (OSK 1910, p. 7).
- 7.
As for the institutionalization of public health regimes in modern China, see Rogaski (2004), Yu (2005), Iijima (2009). While generally praising Rogaski’s work, Yu Xinzhong has critiqued her study for its lack of diachronic analysis of the concept of “hygiene” on the basis of the original Chinese word (Yu 2005).
- 8.
The Osaka Prefectural Merchandise Display Center is believed to have been modeled after the Brussels Commercial Museum founded in 1880 by the Belgian government. It was renamed in 1916 the Osaka Prefectural Depot and upgraded as the Osaka Prefectural Trade House in 1930. At the time of founding, the facility included a laboratory for conducting commissioned analyses of commercial samples and prototypes. The lab was transferred in 1903 to the newly established Osaka prefectural Industrial Experimental Station (Takashima 1986; Sugihara 1996). By 1918 (the year discussed in this chapter), the organization had come to consist of six sections of Commerce, General Affairs, Research, Library, Display, and Design (OFSC 1918b). In China, the first merchandise display depot appeared in the early Republican Period. The Shanghai Merchandise Display Depot opened for business in 1921(Pan 1995, pp. 391–402; Gerth 2003, pp. 225–230).
- 9.
Linda Grove contends that it is all but impossible to make a distinction between ‘domestic’ and ‘foreign’ in determining the origin of a product (Grove 2006, pp. 149–165). The following analysis by Toshio Kikuchi, argued from a different angle, is also suggestive. “Shared experiences of having been involved in national political agitations associated with the May Fourth Movement led department stores to adopt a broad principle of eschewing foreign goods and boycotting Japanese goods in particular in favor of goods produced domestically. But the fundamental tenet of the urban culture being shaped by capital and the urban middle-class was “Modern” rather than “National.” Denizens of “Shanghai Modern” also implicitly embraced “National” values in an asymmetrical symbiosis. Those Chinese entered the new era embracing foreign products, including Japanese goods, with greater tolerance and more encompassing attitudes than at the time of the May Fourth Movement. As a result, Shanghai became a bazaar of a dizzying array of goods assembled from around the world and across the country. The Department Stores came to spearhead Shanghai’s consumer culture in the 1920s and 1930s. They were the caboose of “Shanghai Modern” (Kikuchi 2009, p. 24).
- 10.
Tables 2 and 3 in Motono’s article in 2008 provide data on Japanese businesses reporting to the Japanese Consul General’s Offices in China regarding the infringements of their trademark by Chinese merchants and businesses. Table 4 lists Chinese merchants and businesses working in cahoots with Japanese manufacturers in infringing Western trademarks (Motono 2009, pp. 8, 11, 14).
- 11.
All the Foreign Ministry documents cited hereafter are contained in 3.5.6.24, Shōhyō mogi kankei zakken, Vol. 2.
- 12.
The earliest case of glass manufacturing in Shanghai by a Japanese national can be tracked to the founding of Baoshan Foundry, a Sino-Japanese joint venture, in 1911. The founder was Yoshitarō Tsunoda (Xu 2005).
- 13.
At the time of the company’s founding in 1900, there were twelve partners. In 1909 the partnership was dissolved and reorganized into the Sincere Company, Ltd. under Hong Kong Companies Act with capital of HK$200,000 (Chan 1998).
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Furuta, K. (2017). Imitation, Counterfeiting, and the Market in Early Twentieth Century Japan and China: Intra-Asian Trade in Modern Small Sundry Goods. In: Furuta, K., Grove, L. (eds) Imitation, Counterfeiting and the Quality of Goods in Modern Asian History. Studies in Economic History. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-3752-8_8
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