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Vietnam as an Asian Recipient of Aid

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Abstract

Chapter 5 looks at Asian aid from below. This chapter is a case study of Vietnam, which is the recipient of large quantities of Asian resources. Since Vietnam is also a recipient of aid from the West, it is possible to see how the different approaches play out in a recipient country. We can also see the proactive way that Vietnam interacts with its donors and investors. The first section provides background information on Vietnam’s political-economic situation before 1986, when its economic reforms began, while the second focuses on the reforms themselves. The third looks at foreign resources and how donors have performed in Vietnam. The fourth turns to Vietnam’s relations with the donors and its display of “ownership.” The fifth concludes with a discussion of current problems.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Remittances have also been an important source of foreign exchange, but they operate through a different logic.

  2. 2.

    The reforms continued although they were less dramatic than in earlier years. See Van Arkadie and Mallon (2003, 72–75, table 6.1) for a year-by-year description of reforms between 1986 and 2002.

  3. 3.

    Rama was lead economist for the World Bank in Vietnam from 2002 to 2010. His main Vietnamese interlocutor was Vo Van Kiet, who served as prime minister (1991–1997), acting prime minister (1988–1990), deputy prime minister and chair of the State Planning Commission (1982–1986), and secretary of the CPV in Saigon (1975–1982).

  4. 4.

    Alternative ideas about the process were that they came about through confrontation between reformers versus conservatives, or south versus north, or grassroots versus central authority.

  5. 5.

    Of course the ASEAN countries themselves, like their Northeast Asian counterparts, also had a history of very high growth before the 1997 financial crisis (see World Bank 1993).

  6. 6.

    The fact that inequality in Vietnam did not increase, despite the high growth rates, should be considered a success. It contrasts with the situation in China and other East Asian countries, where high growth has been accompanied by substantial increases in inequality in recent years.

  7. 7.

    The poverty data rely on household surveys that are not done every year, which accounts for the choice of years. The figures shown are those employed by the World Bank and Vietnam’s General Statistics Office, which use the Vietnamese poverty line. Researchers say that it seems to parallel the World Bank’s US$ 1.25 per day definition of poverty.

  8. 8.

    Given the generally low opinions of the quality of Vietnamese education, it is interesting to note that Vietnamese students, in their first participation in the Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) exams in 2012, scored above the OECD average; see OECD website. On possible reasons for this performance, see Bodewig (2013).

  9. 9.

    In the cases of both ODA and FDI, commitment of funds has substantially exceeded the amounts actually invested. Estimates by the Ministry of Planning and Investment for 2005, for example, suggested that only about half of the commitments are fulfilled in the same year—although of course further amounts are likely to have arrived in succeeding years. Data on the ODA disbursement ratio comes from Hang (2007); for FDI, information is from Ahn and Thang (2007). For an update, see UN/EU/MPI (2014).

  10. 10.

    Bank loans were generally negative on a net basis; equity investment spiked in 2007 and then turned negative. Not included in Table 5.3 are three large sovereign bond issues: US$ 750 million in 2005, US$ 1 billion in 2010, and another US$ 1 billion in 2014.

  11. 11.

    A JICA official in the Hanoi office explained it this way: “Previously Japanese corporations designed the projects. Now we are in charge, but we try to coordinate closely with private businesses.” It should be noted that this kind of coordination is different from tied aid, whereby funds must be used in the donor country.

  12. 12.

    The Korean Eximbank’s figures indicate a much lower figure for realized investment. For example, between 2005 and 2011, the Eximbank says South Korean firms invested only US$ 6 billion (EDCF website).

  13. 13.

    Eximbank surveys say that the main reasons given by investors for putting money into Vietnam are to develop natural resources and, increasingly, to seek markets.

  14. 14.

    One source (Hiep 2013, 2) suggests that the cumulative amount of Chinese concessional loans to the end of 2010 was US$ 500 million; this compares to total net flows of ODA to Vietnam between 1996 and 2010 of US$ 28 billion (Table 6.1). Hiep also says that Vietnam received grants of approximately US$ 50 million in the same time period.

  15. 15.

    Again there is a discrepancy between the Vietnamese data and data from home country sources. The Chinese Ministry of Commerce says that FDI stock in Vietnam in 2013 was only US$ 2.2 billion.

  16. 16.

    There are also important informal relations among Asian donors. In particular, Japan and South Korea are close; some observers see the former as providing help and lessons for the latter. Much less interaction occurs between China and either Japan or South Korea. China seems to stay to itself, and others have little information about its activities (interviews with Asian officials, Hanoi, March 2010, July 2013).

  17. 17.

    Both Asian and Western donors report that China sometimes attended CG meetings, but did not speak. A Chinese official in Hanoi said the local representatives do not have permission to give opinions (interview, Chinese Embassy, Hanoi, July 2013).

  18. 18.

    As part of the preparation for the December meetings of the CG, the World Bank and other donors prepared an annual Vietnam Development Report. See especially the 2011 report (World Bank 2011).

  19. 19.

    There is some overlap since France and Germany are included in both. They are, however, the smallest of the six banks in terms of their contributions and are less active than the other four banks in relations with the government.

  20. 20.

    A useful analysis for this purpose is Forsberg (2008), who compared the way that Japan and Sweden operated in Vietnam as paradigmatic examples of the two groups.

  21. 21.

    Several aid agencies mentioned that the government is not very interested in social projects in general.

  22. 22.

    As they left Vietnam, the Swedish development agency (SIDA) produced an evaluation of their aid to the country; see McGillivray et al. (2012).

  23. 23.

    This system is very controversial. For a brief summary of the issues, see Kaplan (2012). One problem is that the two middle-income categories cover an extremely broad range: US$ 1036–US$ 12,615 at the present time. Another is that the system takes no account of other factors such as inequality, human development, and social exclusion. In the case of high inequality, for example, a small, wealthy elite can raise the average income of the country while leaving the large majority in poverty.

  24. 24.

    Australia has a position similar to that of the Asians; it is increasing aid to Vietnam.

  25. 25.

    This issue has been a source of conflict between Japan and the DAC for a long time. Many of Japan’s big recipients have been and are middle income by World Bank and OECD definitions.

  26. 26.

    Sweden did not necessarily handle the news of their departure well. While many donors knew about it, the government was apparently not informed until late in the process (Forsberg 2010).

  27. 27.

    A recent report on foreign aid to Vietnam, which concentrates on the form it may assume as a result of achieving middle-income status, is Prizzon and Schmaljohann (2016).

  28. 28.

    Indeed, these problems had been latent from the very beginning of the reform period. Table 5.1 indicates that Vietnam, unlike the ASEAN Four, had both trade and investment deficits from 1990. Comparisons have also been made between Vietnam and China, but China never had the kinds of deficits that have characterized Vietnam. On the contrary, one of China’s problems is its huge trade and current account surpluses, which lead to conflicts with industrial countries.

  29. 29.

    Equitizing means transforming SOEs into joint stock or limited liability companies, where the government could maintain some or all ownership.

  30. 30.

    Political liberalization and lack of corruption are not seen as issues that Asian donors want to pursue.

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Stallings, B., Kim, E.M. (2017). Vietnam as an Asian Recipient of Aid. In: Promoting Development. Development Cooperation and Non-Traditional Security in the Asia-Pacific. Palgrave, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-3165-6_5

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