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The EU: Asian Conflicts and Middle East

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Abstract

This chapter focuses on the initiatives of EU for conflict resolution, conflict prevention, conflict management and confidence building in the Asian conflicts and crises in the Middle East. The European practice for peace is full of new experiences in the Asia and Middle East. Remarkably, the important issue of international consideration concerned with Middle East is Palestine–Israel dispute that has been aflame over 60 years. On the other hand, the physical involvement of USA in Iraq was a hard decision for EU policymakers. The second part of this chapter examines the Asian issues, such as the US-Iran tension on the nuclear programme and the stress of EU on this issue. Finally, the Indo-Pak rivalry and the EU’s standpoint on the resolution.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    For more details, see http://ec.europa.eu/external_relations/mepp/docs/venice_declaration_1980_en.pdf

  2. 2.

    Ibid.

  3. 3.

    op. cit.

  4. 4.

    For more details, see David, Allen and Alfred, Pijpers. 1984. European Foreign Policy-Making and the Arab-Israeli Conflict. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers (David and Alfred 1984) and Harvey, Sicherman. 1985. “Europe’s Role in the Middle East: Illusions and Realities”, Orbis, 28(4), (Harvey 1985)

  5. 5.

    For further reading, see Ilan, Greilsammer and Joseph, Weiler 1987. Europe’s Middle East Dilemma: The Quest for a Unified Stance. Boulder and London: Westview Press. (Ilan and Joseph 1987)

  6. 6.

    The main features of MEPP were on political dialogue and cooperation; Industry, trade, services and internal market; justice and legal matters including migration and organised crime, research and innovation in education, science, technology and culture, transport and energy cooperation between Israel and Palestine, Customs and taxation. European Union webpage: http://europa.eu/int/comm/external_relations/israel/intro/; Accessed 20/09/2006

  7. 7.

    For more details, see Berlin European Council. Presidency Conclusions, 24 and 25 March 1999, in http://www.consilium.europa.eu/ueDocs/cms_Data/docs/pressData/en/ec/ACFB2.html

  8. 8.

    Seville European Council. Presidency Conclusions, 21 and 22 June 2002, in http://www.consilium.europa.eu/ueDocs/cms_Data/docs/pressData/en/ec/72638.pdf

  9. 9.

    Brussels European Council. Presidency Conclusions, 15 and 16 June 2006, in http://www.consilium.europa.eu/ueDocs/cms_Data/docs/pressData/en/ec/90111.pdf

  10. 10.

    Patokallio, Pasi. 2004. “European Union Policy on the Arab-Israeli Conflict: From Payer to Player”. Durham Middle East Paper No. 77, Durham University, Durham.

  11. 11.

    Ibid.

  12. 12.

    Ibid.

  13. 13.

    As famous Arab writer Heikal states that “Iraq has always been a border state between civilisations and a place where empires collided and armies clashed. Violence has become ingrained in the Iraqi character.” As cited in Fawaz A. Gerges. 2002. “Illusions of Iraqi Democracy,” Washington Post, October 8, p. 25. (Gerges 2002)

  14. 14.

    Ismael, T.Y. and Ismael, J.S. 1994. The Gulf War and the New World Order. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. (Ismael and Ismael 1994)

  15. 15.

    Ibid, p. 56. (Ismael and Ismael 1994)

  16. 16.

    McCarney, James. 1991. “Saddam May Win by Losing.” The Honolulu Advertiser, 9 February. (McCarney 1991)

  17. 17.

    Khadduri, Majid. 1990. “Iraq’s Claim to the Sovereignty of Kuwait,” Journal of International Law and Politics 23(1), (Fall): 5–28 (Khadduri 1990)

  18. 18.

    Ismael, T.Y. and Ismael, J.S. 1994. The Gulf War and the New World Order. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. (Ismael and Ismael 1994)

  19. 19.

    Finkelstein, Norman. “Israel and Iraq: A Double Standard,” Journal of Palestine Studies 20(2) (Winter 1991): 43–56. (Finkelstein 1991)

  20. 20.

    Ismael, Tareq Y. and Ismael, Jacqueline S. 1994. The Gulf War and the New World Order: International Relations of the Middle East. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. (Ismael and Ismael 1994)

  21. 21.

    Donnelly, Thomas. 2004. Operation Iraqi Freedom: A Strategic Assessment. Washington: American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research. He clearly disclosed: “Let our position be absolutely clear: An attempt by any outside force to gain control of the Persian Gulf region will be regarded as an assault on the vital interests of the United States of America, and such an assault will be repelled by any means necessary, including military force.”

  22. 22.

    Spyer, Jonathan. 2007. “Israel and the Iraq Study Group Report.” Strategic Insights, VI(2) (March 2007), Center for Contemporary Conflict, Naval Postgraduate School, Monterey. (Spyer 2007)

  23. 23.

    Ibid, p. 1. (Spyer 2007)

  24. 24.

    “Security Council Holds Iraq in Material Breach of Disarmament Obligations,” UN Press Release, SC/7564, November 8, 2002, http://www.un.org.

  25. 25.

    Philippe Lemaitre, “An EU ‘Advance Guard’ Should Lead the Way,” European Affairs 4(2) (Spring 2003), http://www.europeanaffairs.org. (Lemaitre 2003)

  26. 26.

    “Outrage at ‘Old Europe’ Remarks,” BBC News, January 23, 2003, http://www.bbc.co.uk

  27. 27.

    Hill, Christopher. 1998. “Closing the Capabilities-Expectations Gap”, in Peterson, John and Helen Sjursen (eds) A Common Foreign and Security Policy for Europe? London: Routledge, 18–38. (Hill 1998)

  28. 28.

    Hoffmann, S. 2000. “Towards a Common Foreign and Security Policy,” Journal of Common Market Studies, 38(2): 189–198. (Hoffmann 2000)

  29. 29.

    Chari, R.S. and Cavatorta, F. 2003. “The Iraq War: Killing Dreams of a Unified EU?” European Political Science, 3(1), pp. 25–29 (Chari and Cavatorta 2003)

  30. 30.

    Peterson, J. and Sjursen, H. (eds), 2003. A Common Foreign Policy for Europe? Competing Visions of the CFSP. London: Routledge. (Peterson and Sjursen 2003)

  31. 31.

    BBC Online, March 17, 2004

  32. 32.

    Defence News Online, London, 12 July 2010 http://www.mod.uk/DefenceInternet/DefenceNews/InDepth/UkMilitaryOperationsInIraq.htm; Accessed on 15/02/2008

  33. 33.

    Encyclopaedia Britannica Online, 12 July 2009 http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/293359/Iran Accessed 16/02/2008

  34. 34.

    On the geo-political importance of Iran, Gawdat Bahgat argues that “history, geography and natural resources have contributed to the rise of Tehran as a prominent regional power”. Gawdat, Bahgat. 1999. The Persian Gulf at the Dawn of the New Millennium. Commack, New York: Nova Science Publishers, Inc. (Gawdat 1999)

  35. 35.

    US Energy Information Administration Online. A statistical review of World Energy by the British Petroleum (BP) shows Iran occupies 9 % of total world’s oil reserves and 15 % of world’s natural gas reserves. Iran is the third largest oil producer of the OPEC (Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries) and world’s second largest natural gas producer (US Energy Information Administration Online). So Iran’s economy relies on oil export revenues, which constitutes approximately 80 % of its whole export earnings, 40–50 % of the government budget, and 10–20 % of its GDP. Iran has 25 onshore and 7 offshore oil fields. Most of its oil reserves are situated in big onshore fields in the south-western Khuzestan, i.e., near Iraqi border. Furthermore, Iran has big reserves of natural gas that is estimated 812 trillion cubic feet in gas that makes Iran the second largest country in gas reserves.

  36. 36.

    Tzogopoulos, George. May 2004. “The Evolution of US and EU Foreign Policy Towards Iran with Emphasis on the Period After 11 September 2001,” Institute of European Studies, Nice. www.iehei.org/bibliotheque/TZOGOPOULOS.pdf

  37. 37.

    Ibid.

  38. 38.

    Ibid, p. 18.

  39. 39.

    Ibid, p. 18.

  40. 40.

    Pinto, Do Ceu. “Sanctioning Iran: US-European Disputes over Policy towards Iran,”, The International Spectator, Vol. XXXVI, No. 2, April–June 2001, p. 101. (Pinto 2001)

  41. 41.

    Pinto, Maria do Ceu. “Sanctioning Iran: U.S-European Disputes over Policy towards Iran,” The International Spectator, Vol. XXXVI, No. 2, April–June 2001, p. 102. (Pinto 2001)

  42. 42.

    Tzogopoulos, George. May 2004. The Evolution of US and EU Foreign Policy towards Iran with Emphasis on the Period after 11 September 2001. Nice: Institute of European Studies.

  43. 43.

    George Tzogopoulos. May 2004. The Evolution of US and EU Foreign Policy towards Iran with Emphasis on the Period after 11 September 2001. Nice: Institute of European Studies.

  44. 44.

    Ibid.

  45. 45.

    Allison, Graham. 2004. “How to Stop Nuclear Terror”, Foreign Affairs, January/February 2004, Vol. 83, No. 1, p.70. (Allison 2004)

  46. 46.

    Daalder, Ivo H. and Lindsay, James M. 2003. America Unbound – The Bush Revolution in Foreign Policy, Washington: Brookings Institution Press, p. 184. (Daalder and Lindsay 2003)

  47. 47.

    (“UN Suspects Iran of Nuclear Breach” http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle-east/2969644.stm; Accessed on 06/06/2003).

  48. 48.

    Tzogopoulos, George. May 2004. The Evolution of US and EU Foreign Policy Towards Iran with Emphasis on the Period after 11 September 2001, Nice: Institute of European Studies.

  49. 49.

    Khalaf, Roua. 2004. “Iran Fails to Declare Nuclear Design”, Financial Times, 12 February. (Khalaf 2004)

  50. 50.

    www.iaea.or.at/NewsCentre/News/2004/wmd_threats1903.html

  51. 51.

    (Official website of EU: www.ec.europa.eu 14/08/2010)

  52. 52.

    Pinto, Maria do Ceu. “Sanctioning Iran: U.S-European Disputes over Policy toward Iran” The International Spectator, Vol, XXXVI, No. 2, April–June 2001, p. 102 (Pinto 2001)

  53. 53.

    Tocha, Monika. “The EU and Iran’s Nuclear Programme: Testing the Limits of Coercive Diplomacy,” EU Diplomacy Papers, Department of EU International Relations and Diplomacy Studies, College of Europe, Brussels, 1/2009.

  54. 54.

    Ibid, p. 25. (Tocha 2009)

  55. 55.

    Ibid. (Tocha 2009)

  56. 56.

    Bower, Paul. 2004. “Kashmir” Research Paper 04/28, 30, International Affairs and Defence, House of Commons Library, London. www.parliament.uk/commons/lib/research/rp99/rp99-048.pdf Accessed on 03/05/2011 (Bower 2004)

  57. 57.

    Ibid, p. 14. “The Government of India and the Government of Pakistan reaffirm their wish that the future status of the State of Jammu and Kashmir shall be determined in accordance with the will of the people and to that end, upon acceptance of the Truce Agreement both Governments agree to enter into consultations with the Commission [UNCIP] to determine fair and equitable conditions whereby such free expression will be assured.” (Bower 2004)

  58. 58.

    BBC Online. 20 March 2000 http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/south_asia/681028.stm; Accessed on 21/05/2009

  59. 59.

    Ibid.

  60. 60.

    According to BBC, India remains considerably stronger than Pakistan. This is the strategic reason why the government in Islamabad has developed a nuclear deterrent to defend itself against its more powerful neighbour. Online BBC: 7 May 2003 http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/south_asia/1732430.stm; Accessed on 21/05/2009

  61. 61.

    Official Journal of the European Union, C102E/468, Thursday 24 May 2007

  62. 62.

    Official Journal of the European Union 2004

  63. 63.

    Ibid.

  64. 64.

    Ibid.

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Hussain, M. (2017). The EU: Asian Conflicts and Middle East. In: The European Union. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-2884-7_5

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