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Japan’s Maritime Security: Continuity and Post-Cold War Evolution

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Abstract

Japan’s maritime security interests have been diverse yet constant since World War Two. The sea has served as an important source of its food supply, and key sea-lanes remain a lifeline for its economic prosperity and power. To assure its fair share and a sustainable use of maritime resources, Japan takes an active part in the international politics of resource management through legal, political, and more recently security approaches. Likewise, concerns about continued traditional maritime threats in East Asia and increasing non-state criminal offenses at sea have seen Japan slowly moving away from its “self-defense” orientation, assuming greater responsibility for allied security, and expanding its regional security partnerships. This paper examines Japan’s maritime strategies during and after the Cold War, in particular its efforts to build layers of multilateral security mechanisms for its manifold interests and concerns amidst the changing power configuration in East Asia.

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Notes

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  2. 2.

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  3. 3.

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  4. 4.

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  5. 5.

    Juliet Eilperin, “U.S. backs international trade ban on Atlantic bluefin tuna,” Washington Post, 4 March 2010. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/03/03/AR2010030301436.html (accessed on 23 August 2012).

  6. 6.

    Shigeki Nishimura, Bouei Senryaku to wa nani ka [What is a Defense Strategy?] (Tokyo: PHP Shinsho, 2012), pp. 57–60.

  7. 7.

    Japan benefitted from the British intelligence from Singapore in planning the naval engagement against the Russian Baltic Fleet during the Russo-Japanese War.

  8. 8.

    However, the limited nature of this threat is explained in details by Nishimura. Nishimura, pp. 49–51.

  9. 9.

    Yoichiro Sato, “Southeast Asian Receptiveness to Japanese Maritime Security Cooperation,” Asia-Pacific Papers (September 2007), Honolulu: Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies, 3; David Fouse and Yoichiro Sato, “Enhancing Basic Governance: Japan’s Comprehensive Counterterrorism Assistance to Southeast Asia,” Asia-Pacific Papers (February 2006), Honolulu: Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies, 8.

  10. 10.

    Walter Hatch and Kozo Yamamura, Asia in Japan’s Embrace: Building A Regional Production Alliance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).

  11. 11.

    Nishimura, Bouei Senryaku to wa nani ka, pp. 38–51, 133–153.

  12. 12.

    The 2012 Defence Whitepaper of Japan has a subheading, “Enhancing capabilities to respond to attacks on offshore islands,” in which a Senkaku contingency is very much implied. Ministry of Defense (Japan), Defense of Japan 2012, Part II, “The Basics of Japan’s Defense Policy and Dynamic Defense Force,” Chapter 2, “The National Defense Program Guidelines,” Section 2, “Contents of the 2010 NDPG.” http://www.mod.go.jp/e/publ/w_paper/pdf/2012/21_Part2_Chapter2_Sec2.pdf (accessed on 22 August 2012).

  13. 13.

    Yoichiro Sato, “Japan and the South China Sea Dispute: A Stakeholder’s Perspective” in The South China Sea Dispute, Ian Storey, ed., (Singapore: ISEAS, forthcoming).

  14. 14.

    Ibid.

  15. 15.

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  16. 16.

    Asahiko Taira, Yoshihiro Tsuji, and Hideyuki Ueda, Kaitei Shigen Taikoku Nippon [The Seabed Resource Superpower Japan] (Tokyo, ASCII Media Works, 2012), pp. 14–15. The figure is inclusive of the disputed areas.

  17. 17.

    “Rare earth nihyaku nen bun ijo, Minami-Torishima keitei ni, Tokyo-dai ga kakunin [200+ years’ worth of rare earth on the seabed of Minami-Tori Island, confirmed by Tokyo University],” Asahi Shimbun, 29 June 2012. http://www.asahi.com/business/update/0629/TKY201206290256.html (accessed on 23 August 2012).

  18. 18.

    Mark J. Valencia, “The East China Sea Dispute: Context, Claims, Issues, and Possible Solutions,” Asian Perspective 31:1 (2007), p. 128.

  19. 19.

    “Higashi shinakai gasuden kosho, chugokugawa saikai he no meigen sakeru [China avoids explicit words toward reopening the negotiation on East China Sea gas field],” Mainichi Shimbun, 6 August 2012. http://mainichi.jp/select/news/20120807k0000m020053000c.html (accessed on 23 August 2012).

  20. 20.

    “Reaction of China to the submission made by Japan to the UN Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf”, CML/2/2009, 6 February 2009 http://www.un.org/Depts/los/clcs_new/submissions_files/jpn08/chn_6feb09_e.pdf; The CLCS ruled on parts of the Japanese continental shelf claim on 26 April 2012, which included a favourable ruling endorsing Japan’s baseline around Okinotori Island, “Okinotori-shima kaiiki no tairikudana enshin, nihon no shinsei kokusai kikan mitomeru [An international organization approves Japan’s application to extend continental shelf in the Okinotori water],” Asahi Shimbun, 28 April 2012 http://www.asahi.com/politics/update/0428/TKY201204280012.html.

  21. 21.

    “Reaction of Korea to the submission made by Japan to the UN Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf”, MUN/046/09, 27 February 2009 http://www.un.org/Depts/los/clcs_new/submissions_files/jpn08/kor_27feb09.pdf.

  22. 22.

    National Police Agency (Japan), “Kitachosen no tainichi kousaku katsudo [North Korea’s sabotage activities against Japan].” http://www.npa.go.jp/archive/keibi/syouten/syouten271/japanese/0402.html (accessed on 23 August 2012).

  23. 23.

    李尙龍, “Kita no mitsuyu mayaku kara gizou tabako ni henkou [North Korean smuggling shifts from drugs to counterfeit cigarette,” Daily NK, 2 March 2009. http://japan.dailynk.com/japanese/read.php?cataId=nk02200&num=4423 (accessed on 23 August 2012).

  24. 24.

    “Nihon Mangyonbo-go nyuko kinshi nado kyuukoumoku no seisai sochi [Japan adopts nine sanction measures including ban on Mangyonbo’s port entry],” Asahi Shimbun, 5 July 2006. http://www2.asahi.com/special/060705/TKY200607050313.html (accessed on 23 August 2012).

  25. 25.

    United Nations Security Council Resolution 1874 (2009), 12 June. http://daccess-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N09/368/49/PDF/N0936849.pdf?OpenElement (accessed on 28 August 2012).

  26. 26.

    Yoichiro Sato, “Southeast Asian Receptiveness to Japanese Maritime Security Cooperation,” Asia-Pacific Papers (September 2007), Honolulu: Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies, 3; David Fouse and Yoichiro Sato, “Enhancing Basic Governance: Japan’s Comprehensive Counterterrorism Assistance to Southeast Asia,” Asia-Pacific Papers (February 2006), Honolulu: Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies, 8.

  27. 27.

    Yoichiro Sato, “U.S. and Japan in the Malacca Strait: Lending Hands, Not Stepping In,” PacNet Newsletter, no.29A, Pacific Forum, Center for Strategic and International Studies, 12 July 2004.

  28. 28.

    Yoichiro Sato, “Southeast Asian Receptiveness to Japanese Maritime Security Cooperation,” Asia-Pacific Papers (September 2007), Honolulu: Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies; David Fouse and Yoichiro Sato, “Enhancing Basic Governance: Japan’s Comprehensive Counterterrorism Assistance to Southeast Asia,” Asia-Pacific Papers (February 2006), Honolulu: Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies.

  29. 29.

    http://oceansbeyondpiracy.org/matrix/activity/djibouti-code-conduct (accessed on 28 August 2012).

  30. 30.

    Japan International Cooperation Agency, “JICA President Akihiko Tanaka Visits the Philippines,” 10 May 2012. http://www.jica.go.jp/english/news/field/2012/20120510_01.html (accessed on 28 August 2012).

  31. 31.

    Mihoko Matsubara, Justin Goldman, John Hemmings, Kei Koga, Greer Meisels, Masamichi Minehata, Lynn Miyahira, and Naoko Noro, “Trilateral Strategic Cooperative Mechanism Between Japan, the United States, and Vietnam: A Proposal,” Issues and Insights 12(1), Honolulu: Pacific Forum, March 2012. http://csis.org/files/publication/issuesinsights_v12n01.pdf (accessed on 28 August 2012).

  32. 32.

    Yoichiro Sato, “Japan’s Security Policies during the OEF and OIF: Incremental Responses Meet Great Expectations,” Asia-Pacific Security Studies 2:6 (August 2003), Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies.

  33. 33.

    For example, the 2012 report by the Ocean Policy Discussion Group of the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, and Transportation (MLIT), which supervises the civilian coast guard, exclusively focus on matters within the MLIT jurisdiction and avoids making any reference to the role of the SDF. Ocean Policy Discussion Group, Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, and Transportation (Japan), Kokudo kotsusho kaiyo seisaku kondankai houkokusho—shin no kaiyo kokka wo mezashite [Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, and Transportation Ocean Policy Discussion Group Report—Toward a true maritime nation], March 2012. http://www.mlit.go.jp/common/000205494.pdf (accessed on 28 March 2012) The two facts that the portfolio of Minister of Ocean Policy has concurrently been held by the Minister of Land, Infrastructure, and Transportation (MLIT) and that the ocean policy study group was placed under the MLIT indicate that coordinating Japan’s maritime policy at the cabinet level has been extremely difficult.

  34. 34.

    Ministry of Defense (Japan), Defense of Japan, 2012, part III “Measures for the Defense of Japan,” chapter 3 “Multi-layered Security Cooperation with the International Community.” http://www.mod.go.jp/e/publ/w_paper/pdf/2012/34_Part3_Chapter3_Sec1.pdf (accessed on 28 August 2012).

  35. 35.

    Yasuyo Sakata, “Evolving Security Architecture and Agenda for Japan-China Cooperation,” Tokyo Foundation, 7 August 2012. http://www.tokyofoundation.org/en/topics/japan-china-next-generation-dialogue/evolving-security-architecture (accessed on 28 August 2012).

  36. 36.

    Masahiro Akiyama, “Enacting the Basic Ocean Law—the Process And the Background,” a paper prepared for IIPS Symposium on Japan’s Position as a Maritime Nation, 16–17 October 2007, Tokyo. http://www.iips.org/07mar/07marAkiyama.pdf (accessed on 28 August 2012).

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Sato, Y. (2017). Japan’s Maritime Security: Continuity and Post-Cold War Evolution. In: Tarling, N., Chen, X. (eds) Maritime Security in East and Southeast Asia. Palgrave, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-2588-4_7

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