Abstract
This chapter discusses the post-colonial political, ideological, and discursive context in which migration appears as a “crisis” for Europe. Europe achieved continental unification through economic means, liberal constitutionalism, and currency union. It sets goals of peace and security that encouraged everyone to be a liberal with unfettered freedom to access the market and, on the other hand, allowed the European Union to follow interventionist policies near abroad. The consequences of the union are to be found in Europe’s restrictive and contradictory policies and programmes relating to immigration and refugee protection. European migration crisis originates from this. This chapter concludes by way of suggesting that neoliberalism’s victory in Europe may have come at a great cost. As the Paris and Brussels killings suggested, even though this victory may be pyrrhic, its impact on population flows (including labour flows) may be severe. Europe as a neoliberal union (or empire) has to forge today’s appropriate care and protection regime. Both force and monetary tools will operate as instruments of this transformation. In that sense, and as the suspension of the Schengen arrangement by France in the aftermath of Paris killings suggested, Europe has already arrived at a post-Schengen era.
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Notes
- 1.
Some of the recent reports have attempted to trace more than thousand mile routes through which migrants have reached Europe from Syria and Iraq—mainly on foot to Turkey, walking through the country, crossing the Aegean, reaching Greece, or sweeping through the Balkans from Turkey, onto Macedonia and other contiguous countries, boarding trains sometimes to Austria, Germany, reaching as far as far as Norway, some then swinging through the north of Norway to Russia. No partition refugees even attempted such long campaigns on foot. Some reports speak of use of cell phones and other modes to gain information and track safe routes, evading the border police, etc. See, for instance, International New York Times (2015b, c); there were also reports of former refugees helping new arrivals to move on—see for instance the report by Barbara Surk (2015).
- 2.
Bennhold’s report said, “The International Organization for Migration’s figures suggest that the migrants come in different family configurations. The largest number of migrants coming to Europe was composed of men, traveling without their families. For example, of the migrants recorded entering Macedonia from Greece between Dec. 9 and Dec. 20, 46 % were men, 22 % were women, 35 % were children accompanied by a parent or “caretaker,” and 1.5 % were unaccompanied children.”
- 3.
Article 1 of the Convention; on this see UNHCR (1979: 37–42). Critical jurists however have noted the Western imprint (particularly in the Cold War era) on the formulation of the definition of a refugee in this Article, particularly the phrase, “well-founded fear”. See, for instance, Tuitt (1996: 80–86); also Hathaway (1991: 65–80); also the discussion on the determination of refugee status in the postcolonial status, Samaddar (2003), “Introduction”, pp. 21–68.
- 4.
A recent report says, “A second group of refugees has been deported from Lesbos to Turkey, despite activists attempting to stop the ferry leaving the harbour by clinging onto its anchor. A ferry carrying 45 Pakistani refugees left Greece for the Turkish port of Dikili on Friday morning. Three volunteers were arrested after jumping into the harbour in Mytilene, trying to stop the boat from leaving the port. They were dragged from the water by the Greek coastguard, and the ship left for Turkey. Five protestors demanding that the refugees be allowed to remain were also arrested outside the port, where they reportedly clashed with fascist demonstrators. The activists chanted ‘stop deportations’, ‘EU, shame on you’ and ‘freedom for the refugees’. This was only the second deportation since Ankara agreed their controversial deal with the EU, described by the UK director of Amnesty International as ‘a dark day for the Refugee Convention, a dark day for Europe and a dark day for humanity.’ Under the terms of the deal, the EU will house one of the more than 2.5 million Syrian refugees residing in Turkey for every ‘irregular’ refugee returned from Greece to Turkish shores. The Erdoğan government has also scooped around £2.3 billion in aid, and is set to secure free movement through the Schengen zone for its citizens and ‘re-energised’ negotiations over EU membership. However, there is currently only enough room for around 200,000 people in Turkey's refugee camps, while the government has also been accused of denying refugees access to basic supplies and shooting Syrians dead at the border. An estimated 80 % of Syrian refugee children in Turkey are unable to attend school. On Monday, 202 refugees were sent back to Turkey. Deportations have since slowed as refugees rush to be considered for asylum rather than be dispatched to Turkey, which is not considered a ‘safe country’ by charities such as Amnesty. The UN has also suggested the deal violates international law. Refugees have a right to be sent to a ‘safe country’ and it is also illegal to carry out “blanket” deportations without considering individual refugees' right to asylum” (Broomfield 2016).
- 5.
One report says, “Refugees buying one-way tickets home after finding Germany intolerable” says since it can “take two to five years or more before their families might be allowed to move to Germany—an intolerable wait that is one of the main reasons that hundreds, perhaps thousands, of refugees are giving up on Germany every week, even as up to 3000 arrive every day” (Kirschbaum 2016).
- 6.
The Reuters report said, “An MEP from Denmark’s centre-right ruling party has defected in protest at government plans to seize valuables from refugees to help fund their stay in the country. Denmark has mainly been a transit country for refugees, and the minority Liberal government hopes to deter more from seeking asylum by taking valuables or cash worth more than 3000 Danish crowns (£290) during border searches…
Jens Rohde said… he was joining the leftwing Social-Liberal party. ‘I’m wondering and I’m concerned that there’s no major outrage among Danes, that there aren’t more people standing up and saying this can’t be right. It cannot be right that we have to accept that they take the last bits of jewelry and the last dignity from refugees when they arrive to Denmark.’… The immigration reform bill, which has yet to be approved by parliament, would give authorities ‘the power to search the clothing and luggage of asylum-seekers and other migrants without a permit to stay in Denmark with a view to finding assets which may cover expenses,’ the immigration ministry said.”
The record of Denmark once again reminds us of the record of UK in putting immigrants in camps. Daniel Trilling has asked, “… what are the costs for a society that toughens its borders and achieves a significant drop in undocumented immigration? Britain is a case in point. In the early 2000s, in response to a rise in asylum applications, it constructed a network of detention centres, ostensibly to process applications more quickly, and made the system tougher. Asylum seekers are banned from working and must live on £36.95 a week, one of the lowest rates in Western Europe. Detainees can be locked up for unlimited periods while allegations of verbal abuse and mistreatment have been widely reported. The institutional violence of this system is hidden, and aside from a small but growing protest movement focused on the women’s detention centre at Yarl’s Wood, it goes largely unopposed. Its supporters would argue that it works: asylum applications to the UK have fallen from a peak of 84,130 in 2002 to a low of 23,507 in 2010. Throughout the current crisis Britain has remained largely unaffected, outsourcing the disorder at Calais to the French authorities. Widespread public disgust at the government’s perceived lack of sympathy with Syrians fleeing war has not prompted a questioning of the way our own asylum system sorts the deserving from the undeserving, refugees from ‘economic migrants’” (Trilling 2015: 12).
- 7.
International New York Times predicted, “mass migration poised to rise”, and stay that way (Nordland 2015).
- 8.
- 9.
Thus, country after country in Europe declared unilaterally the number of asylum seekers they would admit (The Statesman 2015c).
- 10.
Exact words of the title of the essay, “We are all refugees” (Warner 1992).
- 11.
International New York Times (20 October 2015a, p. 1) put the figure of deaths on 27 August 2015 in the abandoned truck as 71.
- 12.
News items excerpted from https://www.timeline.com/stories/europe-immigration-crisis?gclid=COPj3cnrtcgCFVYSjgodut4OHw (accessed on 28 October 2015).
- 13.
See also on the Aegean boat disasters, International New York Times report (2015a).
- 14.
On the total number of migrant deaths on way to Europe, one report of 5 November 2015 said, “So far this year, 3692 migrants have died while trying to reach Europe, including 32 Africans who recently perished trying to travel to the Canary Islands, an archipelago off Morocco that is part of Spain. Most of the migrants were from Africa, the Middle East and South Asia—and, in particular, from Afghanistan, Iraq and Syria. ‘We know migration is inevitable, necessary and desirable,’ said William Lacy Swing, the director general of the International Organization for Migration, which has been tracking the migration figures.
‘But it’s not enough to count the number of those arriving—or the nearly 4000 this year reported missing or drowned,’ he said. ‘We must also act. Migration must be legal, safe and secure for all, both for the migrants themselves and the countries that will become their new homes’” (Chan 2015).
- 15.
The UNHCR report also said, “As regards trafficking, comprehensive and updated estimates on the overall size of the phenomenon in the Mediterranean MENA countries are lacking. However in 2005 the International Labour Organisation (ILO) reported at least 2450,000 persons to be exploited as victims of trafficking in human beings worldwide. According to another study, it is estimated that the global economic costs suffered by all victims of forced labour amounted to 21 billion dollars in 2009…. The total illicit profits produced in one year by trafficked forced labourers were estimated at about 32 billion dollars in 2005…. The data are rough estimates and actual numbers can be significantly higher than those presented by the ILO; however, these global tentative estimates are significant in portraying the profitability and scale of the phenomenon” (p. 12); once again the source is not very clear on these estimates (ILO 2009: 32).
- 16.
The journey of Komagata Maru represented the convergence of several trends in the colonial world. The harassment and endless misery to which the Indian immigrants into Canada were subjected indicated a new feeling of anxiety within the Empire about the immigrants, aliens, and foreigners. By the beginning of the twentieth century, Canada solved the problem by insisting on continuous voyage from the country of origin. The immigrants of Komagata Maru were suspected to be part of a grand plan by seditious Indians to hatch an international conspiracy. This was amply borne out by the correspondence between the Criminal Intelligence Office, Shimla, and the intelligence departments in Bengal and Punjab. The authorities in Hong Kong, Shanghai, Penang, Singapore, and Rangoon also shared information on a regular basis. The Komagata Maru incident took place near Kolkata when the people on ship were prevented from alighting. Violent clashes broke out between the immigrant returnees and the colonial security forces ending with several deaths and several returnees escaping. The incident of Komagata Maru becomes more comprehensible in the light of the larger context mentioned above. On the Komagata Maru voyage, Chakrabarty (2016).
- 17.
For a comprehensive report on the Rohingya boat people, see the report by Calcutta Research group: Chaudhury and Samaddar (2015); see in particular Chapter 3, Sucharita Sengupta (2015), “‘Maritime Ping-Pong’: Rohingyas at Sea”, pp. 15–29; There are other reports also on the Rohingyas and Bangladeshis drowning the seas. For instance, The Daily Star (2015); Chowdhury (2015); the CRG report also provides an exhaustive list of reports on the Rohingyas.
- 18.
See the series of reports by Ian Urbina in The New York Times, for instance Urbina (2015); Urbina wrote of the immigrants, “Once aboard, the men endured 20-h workdays and brutal beatings, only to return home unpaid and deeply in debt from thousands of dollars in upfront costs, prosecutors say. Thousands of maritime employment agencies around the world provide a vital service, supplying crew members for ships, from small trawlers to giant container carriers, and handling everything from paychecks to plane tickets. While many companies operate responsibly, over all the industry, which has drawn little attention, is poorly regulated. The few rules on the books do not even apply to fishing ships, where the worst abuses tend to happen, and enforcement is lax. Illegal agencies operate with even greater impunity, sending men to ships notorious for poor safety and labor records; instructing them to travel on tourist or transit visas, which exempt them from the protections of many labor and anti-trafficking laws; and disavowing them if they are denied pay, injured, killed, abandoned or arrested at sea. ‘It is lies and cheating on land, then beatings and death at sea, then shame and debt when these men get home,’ said Shelley Thio, a board member of a migrant workers’ advocacy group in Singapore.… The Singapore-based company that recruited Mr. Andrade and the other villagers has a well-documented record of trouble.… In episodes dating back two decades, the company has been tied to trafficking, severe physical abuse, neglect, deceptive recruitment and failure to pay hundreds of seafarers in India, Indonesia, Mauritius, the Philippines and Tanzania. Still, its owners have largely escaped accountability. Last year, for example, prosecutors opened the biggest trafficking case in Cambodian history, involving more than 1000 fishermen.…”
- 19.
Lampadusa’s new counterpart in the eastern part of Europe is Idommeni, a train stop on the Greece-Macedonian border. Idomeni has now featured in various news reports on the European migration crisis. For instance, Smith (2016) reported, “Not long ago few had heard of Idomeni, a train stop on the Greek-Macedonian border. Now it has become Europe’s biggest favela: an embarrassment to the values the continent holds so dear.
“Its tents, clinics and cabins lie on mud-soaked land. Its fields, once fertile, are toxic dumps. Its air is acrid and damp…. Children dart this way and that, exhausted, hungry, unwashed. Waterlogged tents surround them – women sitting inside, men sitting in front, attempting vainly to stoke fires on rain-sodden wood.
“Everywhere there are lines: of bedraggled refugees queuing for food, of scowling teenage boys waiting for medics, of teenage girls holding babies, of older men and women staring into the distance in disbelief. And everywhere there are piles: of sodden clothes, soaked blankets, muddy shoes, tents, wood, rubbish – the detritus of despair but also desperation of people who never thought that this was where they would end up…
“Idomeni was never meant to happen. It is a bottleneck that abruptly occurred when Macedonia – following other eastern European and Balkan states – arbitrarily decided to seal its frontier. At its most intense, 14,000 people – mainly Syrians and Iraqis but also Afghans, Iranians, Moroccans, Algerians and Tunisians – have converged on this boggy plain, all bound by a common dream to continue their journey into central Europe…
“No one knows this better than those in Idomeni. Doctors are quick to say that until they got to the camp they had no idea what a public health emergency meant. Exposed to the elements, the place is being described as a time bomb. The vast majority of refugees have been here for weeks with some close to completing a month. Cases of fever, pneumonia, septicaemia, hysteria and psychotic breaks are all on the rise, according to health workers.
“’We have found women in tents writhing in pain as a result of [intrauterine] foetal deaths,’ says Despoina Fillipidaki, who is coordinating volunteers, clinics, drug supplies and medics for the Red Cross in the tent city. ‘My biggest fear is that soon people will start to die. And what was their crime? All they want is a better life, to escape war, to escape poverty. And what do they get? Greece of [Nazi] occupation. These are scenes from another century, another time.’
“Idomeni is also symbolic of something that has gone very wrong. In the chaos many fear the unravelling of Europe, the end of the founding principles that once united warring nations on European soil. In the mud and mayhem, decency, manners, solidarity – the glue that has kept Europe together – appear to have been lost…
“The wound of Idomeni is that those most affected still believe in hope… Greece knows it is walking a tightrope. There is explosiveness in the air and with each passing day it becomes more apparent.
“Asked if, perhaps, the best solution would be to airlift the emigres out,” the Greek migration minister, Yannis Mouzalas, did not disagree. “You know, I like that idea,” he confided, surveying the camp with Avramopoulos. “My big hope is that Europe will decide to behave like Europeans at the summit.”
- 20.
On Turkey and Middle East in the wake of the war-caused devastation and refugee flows, Canafe (2015).
- 21.
On the issue of ghettoed labour of immigrants in the Middle East, in particular Turkey, see Canafe (2015).
- 22.
- 23.
Strangely, while capitalism in its neoliberal phase makes child labour an element in the labour market (even though this in actuality means semi-slave labour and depressed wage), the child asylum seeker is becoming under the refugee protection regime a juridical subject; she is supposed to represent herself before the courts of law adjudicating her need for protection. See a report by Jerry Markon (2016).
- 24.
See Samaddar (1999), Chap. 10, “Agrarian Impasse and the Making of an Immigrant Niche”, pp. 150–161.
- 25.
The document also provides a comprehensive list of UNHCR documents and guidelines on urban refugees.
- 26.
On this, see Kelly (2004), Derrida (2001); the original cities of refuge of course come from the Bible. In the book of Numbers God orders Moses to institute six “cities of refuge” or “asylum” for the “resident alien or temporary settler”. This concept was taken into Christianity as the “sanctuary” provided by churches to secure immunity and survival for refugees. The concept of cities of refuge pointed to a strategy for assisting refugees, asylum seekers, and immigrants beyond the traditional nation-state politics, within a sphere of local, regional aid. Germaine Greer spoke of individuals and families adopting refugees—taking them into their own homes and taking responsibility for them. Perhaps there are other dimensions for assisting refugees—for example in which companies, voluntary groups, football clubs, trade unions, churches, and town councils, even political parties, could each take in and be responsible for those who seek sanctuary in this country. For a detailed discussion of the idea with its philosophical ancestry, see Baker (2010). See also, Eurocities (2015).
- 27.
http://www.cnbc.com/2015/09/08/how-europeans-have-reacted-to-migrant-crisis.html (accessed on 10 September 2015).
- 28.
- 29.
Connessioni Precarie (n.d.). According to this call, migrants are the critical factor in the organisation of what it terms as “transnational social strike”. It says, “Indeed, the challenge for a transnational political process as Transnational Social Strike is to connect the movement in France with the conditions of millions of precarious workers, migrants and students across Europe. How to make common claims – such as a European minimum wage, a European welfare and income, a European visa for all migrants – resonate from the squares in France to the factories on the other side of the continent? How to build commonalities across borders? How can these claims help building a transnational movement?”.
- 30.
“Saturday, May 31 in the Square to the Freedom of Migrant Women”, Call in Bologna on 27 May 2014, https://migranda.org/ (trans. from Italian; accessed on 13 January 2016).
- 31.
“What do the Police do with Your Residence Permit?”—https://migranda.org/ (trans. from Italian; accessed on 13 January 2016).
- 32.
Stephan Scheel (2013a) speaks of the interface of the principle of autonomy and government as embodied encounters, for instance, between migrant’s autonomous practices of movement and myriad of regulations, including biometric surveillance.
- 33.
Most regularisation mechanisms, including marriage to a legal resident or the recognition of paternity of a child of a migrant by an EU citizen, comprise a built-in loss of legal status. Legalised migrants remain in a state of probation: they are issued only temporary residence permits that can be revoked at any time and whose renewal hinges on meeting the requirements of their initial issuance. There is thus a probationary logic in most regularisation mechanisms. Many migrants thus leap back and forth between periods of legality and illegality. On this, Walters (2010); see also, Walters (2011).
- 34.
The attempt to achieve a single framework of regulation includes a continent wide a refugee relocation scheme. European Union/Member state compliance with emergency relocation scheme includes planned relocation places to be made available as percentage of member state quota. The EU parliament agreed in September 2015 to transfer 160,000 people from most affected states. EU member states have so far made only 1418 relocation places available and relocated even less refugees. The proposed relocation scheme was adopted by the European Council on 14 and 22 September 2015 and promises a significant reduction of the pressure on the most affected member states. The scale of relocation reveals a spread of several orders of magnitude in RPA (relocation places made available). Of the countries that have already made places available, Germany ranks the lowest with an RPA of 0.04 %; Romania, Sweden, Finland, and Cyprus have RPAs between 7 and 10 %. Luxembourg’s RPA (15.33 %) is only topped by Malta, whose RPA is 100.00 %. Several countries have not yet begun to create relocation places, which is why their RPA is 0 %. Extrapolating the visible trends into the future, countries with RPAs higher than about 7 % will be able to fulfill their quota within two years. RPA is a good indicator for fulfilment, because it takes the created relocation places into account. It is reasonable to assume that countries will relocate refugees once they have created places for them. The EU’s emergency relocation mechanism is only one facet of the broader refugee crisis. In its current state, it is doubtful if the mechanism is working efficiently. Thus, achieving a single framework of regulation is easier said than done. On this the report, “EU Refugee Relocation Scheme Visualised”, 4 November 2015—http://datadesigncompany.com/blog/eu_refugee_relocation.php (accessed on 4 January 2015).
- 35.
Introduction to an interview, “Migration and the Far Right: An Interview with German Antifascists on Heidenau”, Viewpoint Magazine, 28 August 2915—https://viewpointmag.com/2015/08/28/migration-and-the-far-right-an-interview-with-german-antifascists-on-heidenau/ (accessed on 18 December 2016). The German anti-fascist Sarah significantly commented on state response, “The racist attacks and arson at the moment can be used by the state as an easy example of how Germany ‘can’t deal with this many refugees’ and other EU countries need to take them. So whilst these images of over-extension are not totally produced on purpose by the state, they are helpful. It’s a complex dynamic that is hard to analyze.”
- 36.
On the contradictory aspects of border security and protection on the US-Mexico border, De Leon (2015); Jason De Leon raised a question in this book, relevant to our discussion.
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Samaddar, R. (2016). Human Migration Appearing as Crisis of Europe. In: A Post-Colonial Enquiry into Europe’s Debt and Migration Crisis. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-2212-8_4
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