Abstract
This chapter begins with the details of the deal between European Powers and Greece over debt restructuring, analyses the neoliberal programme of reshaping the Greek state through the deal, and then proceeds to unravel the phenomenon of Europe as the eternal illusion—the Europa to be rescued eternally from her abductors. In this context, the chapter engages in a discussion on the ideology of Europeanism which had put Greece in the first place in the service of euro, the common currency of a large chunk of the continent and the main instrument of a monetarist union, through which Europe had transformed itself into a neoliberal land. The chapter argues that at the heart of the illusion lay a self-created and self-held belief that the nation question in Europe was over, that Europe had a special history of being a continental self, and the destiny of Greece lay with this special history of Europe, and that a radical transformation of Greece would come only through a continent wide transformation. In this context, the chapter examines the illusions of the European Left and the New Left, the illusion of Europe, and the false hope on the capacity of social mobilisation to work as a substitute of political mobilisation towards revolutionary transformation of consciousness.
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Notes
- 1.
This section is prepared from: “The Greek Reform Proposals”, 10 July 2015, http://www.naftemporiki.gr/finance/story/976680/the-greek-reform-proposals (accessed on 1 August 2015); see also—“Full Text: 1. Greece Reform Proposals”, Financial Market News, MNI—Deutsche Borsce Group, 9 July 2015, https://www.marketnews.com/content/full-text-1-greece-reform-proposals (accessed on 26 July 2015) for the euro summit statement containing the principles of all these measures and adopted on 12 July 2015; Vandoorne (2015); Reuters (2015); also Christie (2015).
- 2.
http://yanisvaroufakis.eu/2015/07/27/for-an-alliance-of-national-liberation-fronts-by-stefano-fassina-mp/ (accessed on 3 August 2015).
- 3.
Heterogeneity implies that while the European Left thought of Europe as a three-dimensional space (dimensions of member state, the European Union, and the people), Europe became more and more a highly interconnected network, and in the form of a network Europe emerged as a space. The European Left failed not because its Marxism was of old variety, but because it could not appreciate the way Europe had emerged as a distinct space.
- 4.
The Emergency EU summit ten-point proposal (21 April 2015) on the Mediterranean refugee crisis includes steps like: “Reinforce the Joint Operations in the Mediterranean, namely Triton and Poseidon, by increasing the financial resources and the number of assets. We will also extend their operational area, allowing us to intervene further, within the mandate of Frontex; A systematic effort to capture and destroy vessels used by the smugglers. The positive results obtained with the Atalanta operation should inspire us to similar operations against smugglers in the Mediterranean; EUROPOL, FRONTEX, EASO and EUROJUST will meet regularly and work closely to gather information on smugglers modus operandi, to trace their funds and to assist in their investigation; EASO to deploy teams in Italy and Greece for joint processing of asylum applications; Member States to ensure fingerprinting of all migrants; Consider options for an emergency relocation mechanism; A EU wide voluntary pilot project on resettlement, offering a number of places to persons in need of protection; Establish a new return programme for rapid return of irregular migrants coordinated by Frontex from frontline Member States” (Migrants’ Rights Network 2015).
- 5.
- 6.
On this, see Jargow (2013).
- 7.
http://www.the-utopian.org/post/53360513384/the-thirteen-commandments-of-neoliberalism (accessed on 4 April 2014), “The Thirteen Commandments of Neo-Liberalism”, is an excerpt from Mirowski (Mirowski 2013).
- 8.
For a comparative history of the idea of post-Second World War Asianism, see Samaddar (1996).
- 9.
This common assumption among Left intellectuals about the nationalist virus (“spectre of nationalism”) partly lies in Cold War history, followed by the history of the Balkan (Yugoslav) Wars of the 1990s. The Left intellectuals partly internalised the geopolitical discourse of division of Europe, on the basis of which the ideology of new Europeanism from the 1980s symbolised by the construction of the European Union sprouted. Brzezinski had characterised the eastern part of the Europe marked by Balkan nationalism as dynamic, radical, and dangerously irrational. To stop this, a united Europe was needed, and the European Union was the response, direly needed by the West. See Brzezinski (1989: 16); see also for a comprehensive review of the geopolitical history, Luoma-Aho (2002). Brzezinski’s concern also possibly stemmed from the fact that up to the Leninist period most of the Marxist intellectuals (except the ambiguous positions of the founders Marx and Engels)—if we go by the table provided by Anderson (1979: 7–8)—originated in the Eastern side of Europe and none of them was enamoured by the European idea.
- 10.
On this, see Shrader (1999).
- 11.
Perry Anderson offers here a broader explanation of the fate of the European Left intellectuals of the post-war time.
- 12.
Figure provided by Karitzis (2016).
- 13.
This failure of the mainstream Left thought of Europe has a strange similarity with the fate of the traditional post-colonial theory, which too like its Euro-American mainstream Leftist counterpart originated in universities and the academia, was disconnected from mass movements of the peasantry and the working people in the post-colonial world, and sought refuge in cultural, literary, and quasi-philosophical explanations of the developing world. The traditional post-colonial theory therefore has failed in the face of neoliberal transformation of the economy, and the neo-colonial assault on the erstwhile colonies. While there are important differences in the two academic discourses, the similarity is striking.
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Samaddar, R. (2016). Europeanism: The Repressed Anxiety of a Transnational Intellectual Class. In: A Post-Colonial Enquiry into Europe’s Debt and Migration Crisis. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-2212-8_3
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