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Compulsory Motherhood Challenged and Remade in the Name of Choice: Framing the Right to Choose Under Old and New Maternalism

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Legal Thoughts between the East and the West in the Multilevel Legal Order

Part of the book series: Economics, Law, and Institutions in Asia Pacific ((ELIAP))

Abstract

The right to choose is a popular but contested framing of women’s reproductive autonomy. Through an investigation of the dynamic between population policy and maternalism in Taiwan, this chapter reveals how the choice rhetoric empowered challenges to compulsory motherhood under the authoritarian government’s antinatalist policy and how it has been used both to challenge and to enforce pronatalist policy under liberal democracy. It is argued that compulsory motherhood not only has been challenged but also remade and that a break from “choice” is needed to better respond to the rise of a new maternalism which reinforces women’s ideal role as mothers.

Part 1 and Part 3 adapt parts of the article “Choosing the Right to Choose: Roe v. Wade and the Feminist Movement to Legalize Abortion in Martial-Law Taiwan ,” which first appeared in Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies 34, no. 3. Published with permission from the University of Nebraska Press. Copyright 2014.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    See generally Greenhouse and Siegel (2010).

  2. 2.

    See, e.g., Saletan (2004); Ziegler (2012).

  3. 3.

    See, e.g., MacKinnon (1987), Siegel (1995, 2007).

  4. 4.

    See generally Raush (2012).

  5. 5.

    See generally West (2009).

  6. 6.

    Koven and Michel (1990), p. 1079. For discussions of maternalism, see Klein et al. eds. (2012).

  7. 7.

    See generally Spade (2013).

  8. 8.

    Dixon-Mueller (1993), p. 5.

  9. 9.

    Abrams (1996), p. 5.

  10. 10.

    For discussions of population policy and women’s reproductive rights from feminist perspectives, see, e.g., Correa (1994); Kabeer (1994); Hartmann (1995); and Eager (2004).

  11. 11.

    Eager (2004), pp. 51–52.

  12. 12.

    See, e.g., Jacobs (2011); Bock (1991); Roberts (1997).

  13. 13.

    Fineman (1995), p. 51.

  14. 14.

    See generally Mezey and Pillard (2013).

  15. 15.

    Mezey and Pillard have noted that their study does not address maternalism’s pronatalism (Mezey and Pillard (2013), fn.11 at p. 234).

  16. 16.

    See Thornton and Lin (1994), pp. 298–304; Kuo (2008), pp. 325–365; Tsai (2007).

  17. 17.

    See generally Rafter (1997); Tormbley (1988).

  18. 18.

    Art. 1 of the Act states, “the purpose of this law is to implement a eugenics and health policy, to improve the quality of the population, to protect the health of mother and child, and to facilitate the happiness of the family.”

  19. 19.

    See generally Lu (1974).

  20. 20.

    Lebell (1988), p. 8.

  21. 21.

    The most in-depth elaboration of the NF’s stance on abortion appeared in Lu (1977), pp. 102–116.

  22. 22.

    See Ziegler (2009) for an account and critique of how members of the population control movement played a significant role in pre-Roe abortion reform.

  23. 23.

    Funyu Sinjhih (1982a), pp. 9–11; Funyu Sinjhih (1982b), pp. 7–13.

  24. 24.

    See Ku (1997b), pp. 44–59.

  25. 25.

    Li fa Yuan Gongbao [立法院剬報] (The Legislative Yuan gazette) 73, no. 32 (December 1983), p. 28.

  26. 26.

    Li fa Yuan Gongbao [立法院剬報] (The Legislative Yuan gazette) 73, no. 33 (April 1984), p. 27.

  27. 27.

    The relationship between policy-based framing and right-based framing is rather different in the American debates on abortion . See generally Ziegler (2009).

  28. 28.

    A 1979 survey demonstrated women’s support for the legalization of abortion and their need for governmental action to provide access and information. See Phillips (1979), pp. 104–105.

  29. 29.

    Davis (2007), p. 206.

  30. 30.

    “Lowest-low fertility” is defined as a period total fertility rate at or below 1.3. See Kohler et al. (2002), p. 642.

  31. 31.

    The Ministry of Interior Affairs (2008), pp. 57–75.

  32. 32.

    Rhode (1989), p. 122.

  33. 33.

    Mezey and Pillard (2013), pp. 233–234.

  34. 34.

    To impose a ban on surrogate motherhood through an administrative order was considered a violation of the constitutional principle of statutory reservation (Prinzip des Gesetzesvorbehalt).

  35. 35.

    See generally Lin (1996).

  36. 36.

    See generally Su (1996).

  37. 37.

    See generally Ku (1997a). It should be noted that the issue of prostitution – to abolish it or to maintain the institution of licensed prostitution – was also in heated debate in the late 1990s.

  38. 38.

    See generally Chen C-T (1999a).

  39. 39.

    See generally Chen M-H (1999b).

  40. 40.

    For a discussion of this legislation from the perspective of lesbian parenting, see generally Lin (2013).

  41. 41.

    For a critique against surrogacy in India, see, e.g., DasGupta and Dasgupta (2010); Bailey (2011).

  42. 42.

    Roberts (1991), p. 1461.

  43. 43.

    For an examination and comparison of the arguments on the abortion debate in the Legislative Yuan in the 1980s and in the 2000s, see generally Kuan (2010).

  44. 44.

    Croll (2000), pp. 45–47; Miller (2001), pp. 1083–1095.

  45. 45.

    In the United States, it has been argued that the sex-selective abortion laws, while purporting to combat gender discrimination, are enacted on the basis of misinformation and harmful stereotypes regarding Asian Americans and intended to place restrictions on abortion services generally. See generally Citro et al. (2014).

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Chen, Cj. (2016). Compulsory Motherhood Challenged and Remade in the Name of Choice: Framing the Right to Choose Under Old and New Maternalism. In: Lo, Cf., Li, N., Lin, Ty. (eds) Legal Thoughts between the East and the West in the Multilevel Legal Order. Economics, Law, and Institutions in Asia Pacific. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-1995-1_12

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