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Why Send Law to the Countryside?

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Sending Law to the Countryside

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Abstract

This is the basic question of this chapter, as well as the entry point of the research. When we do research on basic-level judicial systems , judges often talk about going to the countryside to handle a case.

Divide our forces to arouse the masses, and concentrate our forces to deal with the enemy.

—Mao Zedong (“A Single Spark Can Start a Prairie Fire,” Collected Works of Mao Zedong, vol. 1, the 2nd Edition, People’s Publishing House, 1991, p. 104.)

War is politics carried out with bloodshed, while politics is war carried out without bloodshed.

—Mao Zedong (“On Protracted War,”

Collected Works of Mao Zedong (bound volume),

People’s Publishing House, 1966, p. 447.)

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Jiang Shigong: “Legal Knowledge, Legal Practice and Legal Appearance.” The abridged edition of this article was published on Strategy and Management under the title of “Judicial Practice of Rural Society: Knowledge, Technology and Power,” Issue 4, 1997, pp. 103–112. Zhao Xiaoli: “Relationship/Events, Action Strategy and Narrate of Law.” Both these articles are collected in Wang Mingming (edited): Authority of China’s Civil Society, Chinese University of Politics and Law Press, 1997.

  2. 2.

    The training class of Zhongnan University of Politics and Law in Wuhan, Hubei, in May of 1997.

  3. 3.

    The same with the previous note 1.

  4. 4.

    Please refer to Article 121 of Civil Procedure Law of People's Republic of China (1991).

  5. 5.

    Article 144 of Civil Procedure Law of People's Republic of China (1991) stipulates that “In trying a simple civil case, the basic people’s court or the tribunal dispatched by it may at any time use simplified methods to summon the parties and witnesses.”

  6. 6.

    Section 2 of Article 64 of Civil Procedure Law of People's Republic of China (1991) stipulates that “With respect to the evidence that the party and its agent ad litem are unable to obtain themselves because of objective reasons or that the people’s court considers necessary for the trial of the case, the people’s court shall investigate and collect it on its own initiative.”

  7. 7.

    Shandong Legal News, April 21st, 1995.

  8. 8.

    Please refer to Zhou Wangsheng : “Three policies of China’s legislative reform: rule of law, institution and decision-making,” Xinhua Digest, Issue 2 of 1996, page 10. Ma Xiwu was a senior leader in the Chinese Communist Party. When he worked as a commissioner in the Longdong Area, he also worked part time as the President of the Longdong Chamber in the High Court of Shaan-Gan-Ning Border Region. He often visited rural areas from time to time and conducted thorough investigation and research, as well as circuit trials, where he corrected some misjudged cases timely, and resolved some difficult cases which had been wrangled with for many years. He was thus very popular among local people, who regarded such kinds of case-handling as implementing mass routes and combining trials with mediation, as in“Ma Xiwu-styled Trials.” It has three key points: thorough investigation and research; on-the-spot trial in different forms; and problem settlement with the help of local people (Zhang Xipo : Ma Xiwu-styled Trial, Law Press China, 1983, p. 41). This kind of trial method is very much similar to China’s traditional Baogong-styled trial (local people did call Ma Xiwu as “Ma Qingtian”): It consists of senior officials with both administrative authority and judicial power; emphasizing personal moral quality, charisma and capabilities, caring about people’s troubles and praising virtue and punishing vice. This is a very typical type of rule by man, which does not have any derogatory sense.

  9. 9.

    In 1954, Ma Xiwu was appointed the Vice President of the Supreme People’s Court. The President Dong Biwu requested for many times that he should summarize his judicial experience and make theoretical improvements. In 1955, When Chairman Mao Zedong met with representatives of the National Judicial Conference, he used to speak to Ma Xiwu, “Everything will be fine when you are here.” Please refer to Zhang Xipo: Ma Xiwu-styled Trial, same as above, pp. 64 and 68.

  10. 10.

    Zhang Xipo: Ma Xiwu-styled Trial, same as above.

  11. 11.

    As for the bureaucracy of Max Weber, please refer to Economy and Society, translated by Lin Rongyuan, the Commercial Press, 1997 (this translated version is hard to read).

  12. 12.

    As for elimination and development of knowledge in organic evolution, please refer to Henry Plotkin, Darwin Machines and the Nature of Knowledge, Harvard University Press, 1993. Friedrich Hayek also touched upon this point in his many books. You may refer to the Constitution of Liberty, translated by Deng Zhenglai, SDX Joint Publishing Company, 1997.

  13. 13.

    “It is indeed an ordeal for many officials to work in the court. Some wouldn’t work in the court even given more allowances.” Dai Jianzhi: “Singing the song of Nanniwan again,” People’s Judicature, Issue 11, 1994, p. 44.

  14. 14.

    Please refer to previous note 7 and related text.

  15. 15.

    About the formation of this strategy, it is necessary to read constructively Selected Works of Mao Zedong, vol. 1.

  16. 16.

    Please refer to Michel Foucault, Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings, 19721977, ed. by C. Gordon, Pantheon, 1980.

  17. 17.

    Please refer to Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish, the Birth of the Prison, trans. by Alan Sheridan, Vintage Books, 1978.

  18. 18.

    But this is not the only reason, let alone the main reason. This kind of situation still exists in urban areas and is even worse. According to a report, in the trial of criminal cases, the court attendance of witnesses in Huangpu District of Shanghai is only 5 % and the attendance in certain city of Jiangsu Province is less than 10 %, while the attendance in court of a certain county reaches 25 % (but no witnesses appear before the court in bribery cases). Please refer to Wu Dingzhi: “Where can we find the right solution when witnesses refuse to testify,” People’s Procuratorial Monthly, Issue 3 of 1999, p. 6.

  19. 19.

    Such as, people’s government, people’s court, and the “rule of law” itself which supports and limits the country’s use of force.

  20. 20.

    Such as the traditional wording of parent-like magistrates.

  21. 21.

    Among officials (including judges of people’s court) working in rural areas, many are official deputies of the state—that is to say, taking salaries from the state. But their interests are not equal to the interests of the state. Many of them were born here, grown up here, and will die here. Most of them do not have any expectation of promotion. They also have all kinds of relations with the local areas. Those kinds of relations enable them to coexist with local villagers.

  22. 22.

    Suli: “Rationality and feasibility of modern rule of law”, The East, Issue 4, 1996.

  23. 23.

    It is essential to point out that this tactic is not only limited in rural areas but also common in cities. When a court hears a case, there are a series of ceremonies and procedures which are actually intended to strengthen this kind of dominant power relationship. During our daily life, people will use this tactic subconsciously. For example, the teacher will ask a naughty student to “come to my office after class” and visit his home. Then even the naughtiest child will feel scared and respect this power authority.

  24. 24.

    Judges say that there are three difficult areas to enforce court judgment, namely Henan, Hainan, and Hunan. Although it is kind of joke mentioning these three places, it is intended to bring out the difficulty in law enforcement in other provinces.

  25. 25.

    Please refer to my more detailed analysis in “Thoughts on Legal Sociology of Legal Professionalism” (China Social Sciences, Issue 6, 1994).

  26. 26.

    Based on our researches in the north of Shaanxi Province and in Hubei, we discover that there are normal 2–4 official staff in the people’s courts in rural areas.

  27. 27.

    Please refer to articles of Jiang Shigong and Zhao Xiaoli, as previous note 1.

  28. 28.

    As a matter of fact, during the research in Hubei and many other places, we have discovered that this file “making” phenomenon is quite common.

  29. 29.

    Foucault, as the previous note 17.

  30. 30.

    Please note that the local knowledge I have used has been inspired by Clifford Geertz (Local Knowledge, Basic Press, 1983), but has major differences from his. Although the local knowledge of Geertz is local, the sequence of thought in his analysis has given this kind of local knowledge homogeneity at the same time. However, the local knowledge I refer is specific knowledge and knowledge which is meaningful only when connected with locality. It is a kind of knowledge exchange that is not economic and thus is not worth mass production, transmission, or textuality.

  31. 31.

    For example, the principle that all people are equal before the law is, in another sense, denying the many differences people actually have. It does not mean that these differences are meaningless in law, since they are recognized by varying degrees in different manners as a matter of fact, and judges have discretion on these kinds of factual problems (accept or not accept, or accept ambiguously). But principally, if we recognize to many differences, the “law” cannot function as a law and becomes a “rule without model.”.

  32. 32.

    Please note that what I emphasize is the short term. If it enters for a long period of time, it can use some other methods to get this kind of knowledge, like extensive conversation and personal experiences. This is the phenomenon where other cadres are required to go to the countryside to “know situations deeply.” As for a judge going to the countryside to hear cases, it does not belong to this situation. He or she just makes short visits and enters temporarily without the above possibility.

  33. 33.

    When interviewing basic-level judges in Hubei, almost all judges of the people’s courts emphasized that the first thing for going to the countryside to handle cases was to find village cadres like village head or accountant, and asks them to go together to find the client. A judge even told us the following story. A “judge” newly graduated from the college went to find the client himself. But because his words were so dogmatic and simple, he was beaten and driven out by the client with his glasses broken.

  34. 34.

    Whether it is an institutional practice can be argued. This practice is not seen in a state’s official laws or documents, and people can regard it as unofficial. However, if this practice has been widely accepted and given legitimate recognition by the state power as a standard, then this practice is undoubtedly institutional. As a matter of fact, this practice has been formally recognized as a working procedure and method during the power operations in our country, like the saying of “transmitting orders from above” and the request of being “closely connected to the masses.” In addition, institutional legitimacy is different from literal legitimacy, and the institutional practices are sometimes not legitimate literally. “The first secretary is the boss” is obviously not in line with the democratic centralism system stipulated by the party constitution, and therefore does not have literal legitimacy. However, due to many reasons, this kind of situation is stable, long-term, and common and is therefore institutional. To judge whether a practice is institutional or not cannot be decided by whether there is a literal regulation.

  35. 35.

    Please refer to Fei Xiaotong: Rural China and Rural Reconstruction, Storm and Stress Publishing, 1993; Robert. R. Blake , Behavior of Law, Tang Yue, Suli (translated), Chinese University of Politics and Law Press, 1944; And Robert C. Ellickson, Order without Law: How Neighbors Settle Disputes, Harvard University Press, 1991.

  36. 36.

    Please refer to Law Yearbook of China, China’s Law Yearbook Press, 1998, for data of court mediation and judgment of civil cases.

  37. 37.

    Mediation in the sense of sociology is an open texture of analysis. During this evaluation, who is the mediator and who are the parties concerned have been decided by the role and function in the actual case. Mediation in justice is a normative structure in which the law stipulates that the judge is the mediator.

  38. 38.

    This point is tenable not only in form, but in terms of interests of different parties. (1) It appeared to be a private law case, but because the business unit belonged to the country, the court represented the country and the debt collection according to law by the court which happened after the regional and county government gave emphasis to the debt collection, this made the business unit share the same interests with the people’s court; (2) due to the financial difficulties of the court, it is hoped that helping to collect debts could increase the “revenue” of the court (many judges introduced during the interview that in areas where local fiscal situation was in bad shape, the courts often took the initiative to ask the banks whether there were any cases of “non-payment of debt”), the court and the business unit therefore had common economic interest. That is why in a certain sense at least, they were the same. Based on this, this debt collection case to me was more like a “public law” relationship (the relationship between the state and its citizens) concealed by “private law” relationship (relationship among citizens).

  39. 39.

    Wu Han, Fei Xiaotong, etc. : Imperial Power and Gentry’s Power, Tianjin People’s Press, 1988.

  40. 40.

    Please refer to Liang Shuming: Highlights of Chinese Cultrue, Xuelin Publishing House, 1987, pp. 18–20.

  41. 41.

    Please refer to Prasenjit Duara : Culture, Power and State, translated by Wang Fuming, 1994, Jiangsu People’s Publishing House; please also refer to Jiang Shigong: Legal Transplant, Public Domain and Legitimacy, School of Law of Peking University, master thesis, 1996.

  42. 42.

    Huang Renyu: China: A Macro History, SDX Joint Publishing Company, 1997.

  43. 43.

    When Mao Zedong met with Nixon at his old age, Nixon appraised Mao that “he had changed China.” Mao answered by saying those words.

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Correspondence to Suli Zhu .

Appendix: Experience the Modernity of Chinese Law

Appendix: Experience the Modernity of Chinese Law

—A note to “Why Send Law to the Countryside?”

I

My friend Zhao Tingyang plans to write a book on issues of China’s modernity specifically and asked me to write a chapter. I used one of my old writings to fulfill the task. It is not accurate to say that I only want to fulfill the task. I can deceive neither the readers nor my own academic conscience. “What is your contribution?” has always been one of the questions I ask myself for the purpose of my “Everyday examinations in three approaches” as proposed by Confucius . In the final analysis, I think this article is related to China’s modernity. The only caveat is that I’m not willing to use the modernized vocabulary or propositions which are relatively popular at the moment to discuss this issue.

Why is that? Because I hate discussing issues such as “modernity” at the concept level. My hatred is due to my following doubts. How could you have meaningful exchanges without misunderstandings at such a highly conceptual level? How could you prove that you are not only talking to yourself and therefore beating around the bush? There is even the possibility that it is difficult to find out where misunderstanding arises, just like if you have gotten lost in the woods. The more important thing is that this kind of destined construction of “grand narrative” is very dangerous, since many trivial but not necessarily unimportant things may be ignored, suppressed, or distorted (intentionally or unintentionally) due to their incompatibility with the grand narrative.

It is because of this reason that I have chosen my article Why “Send Law to the Countryside”? to first of all feel and then understand some problems concerning the modernity of Chinese laws. I hope that due to this specific and lively individual case, we can connect certain daily practices of Chinese people with the issue of modernity, in order to enable those who are not good at or are not used to conceptual language to observe the modernity of Chinese laws (from my point of view, even if they do not understand this modernity, as long as they are able to find issues from their lives sensitively and to give theoretical analysis, it is certainly enough for them). At the same time, I hope this article can help those scholars or intellectuals who are used to grandly narrating at the level of concepts and propositions created by the Western countries to understand this kind of, or another level of, legal modernity.

I wish readers could read the main text first and then take a look at this note. If you think it is interesting and are willing to, you may read “Sending Law to the Countryside” once more, including that seemingly strange postscript which was deleted by the editor. Ultimately, I hope that the readers will use their own daily-life experience to question, challenge, or verify this article.

II

At the moment, many people are accustomed to connecting modernity of laws with “justice “ or “social justice” or “rights”; or with specific legal principles (such as the right to silence of criminal defendant) or practices (such as the Simpson trial) of certain Western countries. However, justice is the word that is simply too abstract and big. It can cover almost everything and therefore becomes the pursuit of human society for thousands of years although some people may have never used or even heard of this word. Justice is a concept without time or life. In Holmes ‘ words which are even more vivid, it cannot “wave its tail.” It is only a tool used to express one’s own feelings and to justify their desires. There is a story popular among lawyers : A new lawyer won his case and telephoned a senior lawyer, claiming that “justice has won.” However, the senior lawyer ordered him to “appeal immediately.” This shows the opinion of certain lawyers on the relationship between justice and laws. Posner’s pedigree analysis demonstrates that “right” is actually a kind of instinct of human beings. Without this instinct, the human being cannot survive as a species. Whether you call it “right” or not, we were born with these instinctive feelings, and we did not simply acquire them in modern times. The legal principles or practices of Western countries certainly influence the modernity of Western society, but it does not equate to the modernity of Chinese laws. On the contrary, at least to the majority of Chinese jurists, these principles or practices more possibly have become the counter evidence of the “premodernity” of our legal practices at the moment, which have thus proved that we are not able to discuss about the modernity of modern Chinese laws , or we are at most able to discuss the modernity of Chinese laws through our wish to “be connected to the international world” and at the level of pure imagination. However, is this the modernity of laws as practice? As a matter of fact , it can only reflect the modernity in ways of thinking and feeling, as well as the psychology of modern Chinese people involved in the legal field.

What is more important is that in this kind of language, “modernity” has become a kind of ideology standard or concept of intentionality to judge whether something is right or wrong, desirable or not, but not a descriptive concept. It seems to be a priori inevitability, but not a possibility to feel the reality. Thus, “Life is Elsewhere” has become the basic feature of this kind of language. As related to that “God’s perspective” is another basic feature of this kind of language.

III

We must observe modernity from contemporary Chinese law practice, but not from our feelings or intentions. The case which I “robbed” (robbery without plan or specific object) from contemporary Chinese law practice may help us to feel this kind of modernity.

First of all, this individual case demonstrates in what natural, geographical, and cultural environment China’s laws function . China is a big country with vast territory and varied landforms, which causes the imbalanced development of political and economic culture in different parts of China. Contemporary Chinese laws function in and only in this kind of environment and thus present the “Mosaic” Phenomenon of legal practice to certain degrees. The venue where the loan collection case discussed in this article took place is a village “on the rim of the desert” and is therefore not a purely natural environment. It is expected to have certain implication or revelation to sensitive readers. Natural and geographic environments have left marks deeply on the function of contemporary Chinese laws. The law here is neither “formal rationality “ of Weber , nor “materialization of law” by Jurgen Habermas. It is not justice in form or in essence. You may feel more or less incompetent when trying to analyze and feel Chinese society by Western concepts. There is not much deduction of legal concepts or legal reasoning here. No judicial robes or lawyers . There are neither direct policemen nor prisons. It represents a battle between judges on behalf of the state and its citizens by definition of political relations. But you may feel more specific person-to-person contact. It is mobilization of various resources (not only resources of political power ), conscious, or unconscious utilization of strategies , and in pursuit of specific and trivial purposes of each individual in the process of the function.

But this is not like what some people may think—that it only shows “premodern” laws. This kind of evaluation may have some reasoning backing it. China’s judicial system , especially judicial practices in rural areas, does indeed have rather strong imprinting of change from a traditional society of acquaintances to a society of strangers . This change has been described or analyzed by many Western legal sociologists in their writings. If we only pay attention to this point, my description here will be only a repetition of traditional academic propositions.

However, my analysis has been paying attention to and, to some extent, given expression to the fact that “sending law to the countryside” is related to the founding of China as a nation in modern times. As a result, sending law to the countryside, sending law to the door as well as the strategy from “Encircling the Cities from the Rural Areas” in the old days to sending culture, science and technology, and medical services to the countryside in recent years, which has been included in the analysis as a background, are coherent and interconnected with each other in a certain sense. They are also one battle after another during the process of forming and founding of a modern nation. They can even be regarded as the process of forming and founding a modern nation itself, since there does not exist a result outside this process.

It is just at this level that we are able to see the profound difference between this story and the “law” story of primitive societies in jungle wilderness witnessed and recorded by anthropologists in the nineteenth twentieth centuries, as well as the theoretical model of unofficially legal or non-legal solutions of disputes in the eyes of legal sociologists of academism. Seeing from this perspective, we can say that this story is indeed infiltrated by modernity. Its modernity does not mean that it happens in modern times. What gives it its modernity is not time, but a complete set of framework of political practices and political institutions. It is even difficult for us to say that it is totally modernity of another kind of law . It is closely related to modernity of the world.

History has therefore entered into this picture. “Sending law to the countryside” has been connected to the efforts and achievements made by the Chinese Communist Party to establish a modern nation-state during the time when revolutionary bases were being built. With this, we may be able to understand the strong political pursuit possessed by “rule by law” itself. However, this kind of historical connection is not only of political intentionality and political logic. This article shows their connection in knowledge pedigrees to a certain degree. My note which may make readers puzzled is that those metaphors of wars appearing from time to time in the article as well as strategy application of different parties in the “lawsuit” all have given the following: How strategies and technologies in the age of revolutionary wars are continued and transformed by different people in different manners or names in today’s China. This exploration of pedigrees of contemporary Chinese legal knowledge and skills may not be deep enough, but can still demonstrate the modernity of contemporary Chinese law in another aspect.

Please do not misunderstand me as trying to use this individual case as a representation or miniature of Chinese law. I see it only as an individual case (it is up to readers themselves to understand it). There are many individual cases of this kind. It is just because there are many of them which are ordinary cases, people often forget or ignore them. They are not expected to inspire attention to their existence. I’m just trying to make it stand out in a possibly careful manner, but I’m destined to do so in an awkward language and to let people see what Chinese law is! As a result, it is true that this individual case under analysis happens in a rural area in Northwest China. Even if it happened in an urban area in a Southeast coastal region, as long as you are not too controlled by modern judicial academic language in Western countries or by which you shape your observation of the reality, sticking to what Wittgenstein insisted as “don’t think, just look,” then we can still see the fact that the classic legal language in Western countries cannot cover the generalized legal practices of China. After all, law is not provisions. Nor is it institution. In this sense, I believe that this individual case itself possesses enough power to deconstruct all kinds of new and old legal ideological languages.

IV

I don’t and can’t possibly ask the readers to accept that this is Chinese law. I don’t even ask them to accept the conclusions of this article. There are multiple real forms of Chinese law. Any descriptions or analysis are destined to face all kinds of challenges, especially criticisms of popular legal languages. This article can still make people feel that the laws in our daily life are so subtle, delicate, and clever, and that our lives do have the possibility of argument and modern flavor. It can thus inspire us to pay attention to ourselves, to pursue our own languages, to focus on the reality, and to feel confident about our academic research.

This article is not creative enough but it attempts to be creative. It uses various Western resources of academic theories, but it does not copy mechanically any kind of Western social or legal theory, nor does it seek to promote certain Western academic theories. It therefore reveals a kind of indifference (either to copying Western theories to demonstrate the academic aspect of this research, or to criticizing or responding to Western theories to prove its own uniqueness). It uses writings of Mao Zedong , experiences of the Agrarian Revolutionary War, as well as colloquialisms among the Chinese people which can be felt more or less by everyone, but cannot traditionally enter academic anecdotes or pieces of gossip. It is complex, but these kinds of uses are not ideological, nor do they intend to prove the truth of the article or conclusion. It neither demonstrates feelings of foreign countries or foreign lands easily to be discovered by sociologists in the manner of hunting for novelty, nor puts on airs as a jurist who feels eager toward making standard evaluations as a judge for the society. It even does not show enough of the so-called conscience of intellectuals toward the poor or weak person in the case (but instead analyzes how he could become stronger in this specific dispute and thus rids him of the cheap sympathy he might get from other academic legal texts). He is cold, but not without stance.

At least, China’s legal academics is itself part of China’s legal practice. If there is reason in this, even when the above reasons could not convince you to believe in the modernity of Chinese law, then the importance, understanding, and introspective pursuits by this article to its (Chinese) experience, emotions, cases, language and even readers, the reasonable confidence of its research, and the seemingly indifference and mischievousness (meaning same as the word mischievous in the poem verse “the mischievous little boy picking seedpods of lotus by the brook”) given to traditional academic boundaries and moral principles of traditional intellectuals, it can be seen as a proof of the modernity of Chinese law (academics).

In Weixiu Garden, Peking University

May 2nd, 1999

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Zhu, S. (2016). Why Send Law to the Countryside?. In: Sending Law to the Countryside. China Academic Library. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-1142-9_1

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